NATHAN    HALE 

1776 


PUBLISHED  FROM  THE  FUND 

PRESENTED  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY  BY  THE 

1914  EDITORIAL  BOARD  OF  THE 

YALE  DAILY  NEWS 

Richard  A.  Douglas,  Chairman 

Frederick  G.  Blackburn,  Assignment  Editor 
Stoddard  King,  Managing  Editor 

George  W.  Patterson,  IV,  Business  Manager 

Hundley  S.  Bonnie,  Managing  Editor 

Lindsay  Bradford  Laurence  M.  Marks  Chester  H.  Plimpton 

George  G.  Jones  Morgan  P.  Noyes  Paul  B.  Valle 


Nathan   Hale  1776 


Biography  and  Memorials 


BY 
HENRY  PHELPS  JOHNSTON 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  THE 
COLLEGE  OF  THE   CITY  OF   NEW  YORK 


REVISED  AND  ENLARGED 
EDITION 


NEW  HAVEN:    YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON  :    HUMPHREY  MILFORD 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

MDCCCCXIV 


COPYRIGHT,  1914 

BY 
YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


First  printed  November,  1914,  1000  copies 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

We  are  coming  to  know  more  and  more  of  Nathan 
Hale — an  interesting  fact  in  itself,  and  for  his  memory 
a  welcome  one. 

In  the  preface  to  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  atten 
tion  was  called  to  the  new  sources  of  information  avail 
able  at  that  date,  1901,  since  the  publication  of  the 
earliest  biography  of  Hale  by  Stuart  in  1856.  During 
the  past  twelve  years  these  sources  have  extended.  Mr. 
I.  W.  Stuart,  living  at  Hartford  and  near  Hale's  home, 
was  fortunately  drawn  to  the  subject  when  sufficient  mate 
rial  was  at  hand  for  a  beginning,  and  when  it  was  still 
possible  to  glean  from  personal  recollections.  His  suc 
cessors  appreciate  his  pioneer  work,  in  spite  of  his  some 
what  free  acceptance  of  traditions  and  reliance  on  state 
ments,  of  assumed  authority,  made  long  after  the  event. 
This  was  natural  and  inevitable  in  his  sympathetic  desire 
to  restore  and  perpetuate  Hale's  name  and  memory.  For 
original  material,  however,  he  could  draw  upon  not  more 
than  six  or  seven  letters  written  by  Hale,  in  addition  to 
his  diary,  and  a  number  from  his  friends.  The  latter 
he  utilized  to  but  a  limited  extent. 

What  we  may  now  describe  as  Hale's  correspondence 
and  papers  has  kept  increasing  until,  to-day,  so  far  as  the 
author  has  been  able  to  discover,  the  scattered  collec 
tion  includes  nearly  seventy  separate  pieces — all  of  them 
original  manuscripts  and  of  contemporary  date.  Sixty- 
four  of  these  are  printed,  in  whole  or  in  part,  in  the 
present  edition.  They  are  chiefly  letters — ten,  with  other 
material,  being  from  Hale's  pen  and  the  rest  from  college 
classmates  and  later  associates.  Future  biographers  will 


mii  INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

doubtless  add  to  the  list,  which,  in  view  of  the  period 
represented,  may  be  regarded  as  an  exceptional,  not  to 
say  a  remarkable  one.  The  screen  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years  folds  back,  more  often  than  not,  with  thank 
less  results,  if  one  is  following  up  the  thread  of  individ 
ual  and  social  life.  In  the  case  of  very  few  men  of  those 
transitional  years  in  our  history,  not  in  public  life,  could 
such  a  correspondence  be  recovered  to-day. 

We  owe  this  fortunate  survival  of  his  records  very 
much  to  Hale's  own  orderly  care  and  his  sincere  appre 
ciation  of  his  friends.  He  preserved  their  letters,  sys 
tematically  indorsed  them,  and  seems  to  have  kept  them 
with  him  down  to  the  time  of  his  tragical  fate.  At  least 
forty  of  their  number  are  now  known  to  us,  which  is 
probably  more  than  half  of  what  he  received  during  his 
brief,  active  years  from  1773  to  1776.  Drifting  in  after 
time  into  other  hands,  their  tender  association  saved 
them  from  common  neglect  and  loss.  Whatever  value 
we  may  attach  to  their  contents,  their  personal  sugges 
tion  cannot  fail  to  attract.  Through  nearly  all  of  these 
letters  there  runs  a  note  or  expression  of  more  than 
ordinary  interest — in  many  of  them,  of  affectionate 
interest — in  Hale  himself.  His  friends  wrote  to  him 
because  they  were  drawn  to  him.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
of  their  respect,  admiration,  and  love  for  the  youth. 
Where  we  deal  with  personality,  where  we  would  wish 
to  know  Hale  well,  intimately,  if  possible,  this  warmth 
of  feeling  in  the  correspondence  is  a  guiding  light.  We 
must  regret  all  the  more  that  so  few  of  his  own  letters 
have  been  preserved. 

For  the  new  material  in  this  edition,  the  writer  is 
indebted,  as  in  the  first,  to  individuals  and  libraries.  His 
acknowledgments  are  due  to  Hon.  Simon  Gratz,  of 
Philadelphia;  Mr.  George  M.  Thornton,  of  Pawtucket, 
R.  L;  Rev.  Anson  Phelps  Stokes,  secretary  Yale  Uni- 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE  ix 

versity;  George  Dudley  Seymour,  Esq.,  of  New  Haven; 
Mr.  George  E.  Hoadley,  of  Hartford;  Mr.  George  D. 
Smith  and  Mr.  Robert  H.  Dodd,  of  New  York,  and  the 
New  York  Public  Library.  The  relative  importance  of 
these  new  contributions  is  pointed  out  in  the  text. 

The  correspondence  in  the  first  edition  was  contributed 
by  the  late  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale,  to  whose  daugh 
ter,  Miss  Ellen  Day  Hale,  the  writer  is  under  obligations 
for  further  use  of  his  papers;  by  the  late  Mr.  W.  F. 
Havemeyer,  of  New  York,  who  added  to  his  Hale  list  the 
valuable  letter  from  William  Robinson,  of  which  he 
kindly  offered  the  author  a  copy  shortly  before  his  death; 
by  Mr.  Grenville  Kane,  of  Tuxedo,  N.  Y.,  and  Major 
Godfrey  Wieners,  of  College  Point,  Long  Island.  Since 
1901,  a  few  of  the  Hale  pieces  have  changed  hands,  his 
commission  and  the  earliest  of  his  known  letters  being 
now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  William  A.  Read,  of  New 
York.  The  Connecticut  Historical  Society,  Hartford,  is 
happily  and  properly  the  possessor  of  much  the  larger 
portion  of  the  letters  written  to  Hale — some  thirty  in 
all — as  well  as  of  his  army  diary,  basket,  and  powder- 
horn.  We  are  once  more  under  obligations  to  this  Soci 
ety  and  its  librarian,  Mr.  Albert  C.  Bates,  for  a  free 
examination  of  the  collection.  At  Yale  University  there 
are  reminders  of  Hale's  college  life  in  his  Society  minutes 
and  the  restored  dormitory  in  which  he  roomed.  The 
graduate  records  published  by  Professor  Franklin  B. 
Dexter  have  been  of  great  assistance,  while  his  own  inter 
est  in  our  subject,  with  that  of  Mr.  Stokes,  Mr.  George 
Parmly  Day,  the  treasurer,  and  other  members  and  grad 
uates  of  the  University,  is  cordially  appreciated.  Mr. 
Robert  H.  Kelby,  librarian  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society,  has  again  materially  aided  the  writer  in  his 
searches  among  its  papers.  We  are  indebted,  also,  to 
Miss  Alice  M.  Gay,  of  Hartford,  and  Miss  E.  H.  Fair- 


AT  INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

brother,  of  London,   for  expert  examination  and  tran 
scripts  of  records. 

The  edition  of  1901 — a  limited  one — was  intended  to 
be  of  a  memorial  character  and,  as  such,  included  fac 
simile  reproductions  of  a  few  of  Hale's  letters,  his  camp 
relics,  his  schoolhouses,  statues,  and  home.  In  the  pres 
ent  edition,  most  of  the  reproductions  are  omitted,  and 
in  their  place,  as  memorials  perhaps  more  expressive  of 
himself  and  his  associations,  we  have  given  the  great  body 
of  his  correspondence.  Some  more  detail  has  been  intro 
duced  and  some  corrections  made,  but  in  their  aim  to 
represent  Hale  as  he  was  known,  and  as  we  believe  pos 
terity  should  remember  him,  the  two  editions  are  one 
work.  The  power  of  the  story  lies  in  the  simple  record. 

The  College  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
October  i,  1914. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTORY  NOTE vii 

I     HOME    AND    ANCESTRY — THE    HALES    AND    THE 

STRONGS 1 

II     HALE  IN  COLLEGE — FOUR  YEARS  AT  YALE  (1769- 

1773) 18 

III  HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER — AT  EAST  HADDAM  AND 

NEW  LONDON — His  ENGAGEMENT      ...       40 

IV  THE  LEXINGTON  ALARM — HALE  JOINS  THE  ARMY      61 
V     IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON — BESIEGING  THE  ENEMY      73 

VI     WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  NEW  YORK — DEFEAT  ON 

LONG  ISLAND 88 

VII     HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES — CAPTURE  AND  EXE 
CUTION      98 

VIII     PRESERVATION     OF      HALE'S      MEMORY — OTHER 

POINTS  OF  INTEREST 135 

APPENDIX — H  ALE'S     CORRESPONDENCE,     ARMY 

DIARY,  ETC.,  BIBLIOGRAPHY,  INDEX   .      .      .     175 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Opposite  page 

THE  HALE  HOMESTEAD,  SOUTH  COVENTRY,  CONNECTICUT  9 

HALE'S  POWDERHORN,  CAMP  BOOK  AND  BASKET,  1775-76  64 

MONUMENT  TO  HALE  AT  SOUTH  COVENTRY,  CONNECTICUT  134 

SITE  OF  H ALE'S  EXECUTION,  NEW  YORK 162 

AUTOGRAPHS    OF    NATHAN    HALE    AND    His    FATHER, 

RICHARD  HALE  195 


NATHAN   HALE 

1776 


I 


HOME    AND    ANCESTRY— THE    HALES    AND    THE 

STRONGS 

Living  on  an  ample  farm  at  Coventry,  Connecticut, 
in  high  and  rolling  country,  near  the  beautiful  Lake 
Waugaumbaug  of  the  Mohegans,  and  with  good  neigh 
bors  about,  Hale's  family  found  its  lines  pleasantly 
cast.  It  was  a  typical  colonial  home — a  type  of  the 
rural  home  in  New  England,  with  its  modest  character 
istics,  its  busy  and  honest  occupants,  and  its  largely  self- 
centered  interests.  Around  it  was  the  growing  town  com 
munity,  composed  of  people  much  alike,  who  faithfully 
filled  out  the  round  of  daily  duties,  whose  higher  hope 
was  to  be  gathered  to  their  fathers,  whose  administra 
tion  of  little  neighborhood  matters  was  training  them 
for  larger  affairs,  and  who,  in  their  distance  from  the 
official  rut  of  the  old  world,  were  beginning  to  feel  the 
invigorating  sense  of  a  practically  independent  life.  One 
would  find  there  the  simple,  hopeful,  earnest  society  of  the 
time,  from  which  it  was  possible  for  individual  members, 
young  or  old,  to  pass  out  into  more  absorbing  spheres 
and  act  a  greater  part  as  ingenuously  as  they  might  have 
acted  a  lesser  one  at  home,  quite  unconscious  of  or  indif 
ferent  to  the  fact  that  others  were  looking  on.  Like  its 
homestead  structures,  this  folk,  for  the  most  part,  was 
plain  and  solid  in  quality,  adapted  to  seasons  and  condi 
tions,  and  nobly  answering  its  worth  and  purpose  in 
colonial  beginnings. 


2  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

We  can  imagine  the  interest  of  these  Coventry  people 
in  the  spot  where  they  lived.  Its  associations  were  with 
the  very  old  and  the  very  new.  In  their  blood  and  much 
of  their  home  life,  they  still  represented  old  England. 
The  soil  was  new,  untouched  before  by  white  man,  with 
its  original  Indian  owner,  uncivilized  and  picturesque  as 
ever,  living  or  roaming  not  far  away.  The  place,  some 
twenty  miles  east  of  Hartford,  lay  in  a  tract  belonging 
to  the  tribe  of  Mohegans,  which  their  sachem  "Joshua" 
deeded  to  a  few  private  proprietors,  who,  in  turn,  sold 
its  farm  lands  and  plots  to  new  settlers.  The  General 
Assembly  of  the  Colony  marked  out  a  town  there  in 
1708,  and  gave  it  its  name  in  1711.  The  older  towns 
had  been  settled  by  families  in  groups,  as  a  measure  of 
safety  and  association,  while  the  later  ones  grew  up  more 
often  through  individual  enterprise.  But  they  all  flour 
ished  apace,  some  towns  throwing  out  others  beyond 
them  and  within  easy  reach,  with  the  meeting-house  con 
veniently  centered,  until  in  the  brief  period  of  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  years,  or  by  the  time  of  the  Revolution, 
the  population  of  New  England  had  increased  to  over 
seven  hundred  thousand,  compactly  placed,  homogeneous, 
self-governed,  and  fit,  with  the  sister  colonies,  to  enter 
upon  national  life. 

And  how  those  early  comers,  we  may  note  in  passing, 
seem  to  have  clung,  even  in  the  third  generation,  to  the 
traditions  of  life  and  customs  in  the  mother  country!  It 
was  no  mere  coincidence  that  the  Connecticut  Assembly 
named  the  town  in  question  after  old  Coventry  in  Eng 
land.  The  town  names  in  the  central  and  eastern  coun 
ties  in  this  colony,  as  in  Massachusetts,  and  in  scarcely 
less  degree  in  the  other  colonies,  tell  of  the  genuine  inter 
est  they  long  retained  in  the  birthplaces  of  their  grand 
parents,  whatever  they  may  have  thought  of  revenue  acts, 
commercial  monopoly,  and  ministerial  appointments;  and 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  3 

in  many  households  could  have  been  found,  as  heir 
looms  distributed  by  gift  or  the  wills  of  the  first  settlers, 
more  than  one  tangible  piece  of  evidence  that  old  Eng 
land  was  not  altogether  forgotten  by  the  New.  So  not 
only  will  one  see  repeated  on  the  map  of  Connecticut  the 
names  of  Ashford,  and  Bolton,  and  Canterbury,  and 
Chatham,  and  Chester;  of  Colchester,  Coventry,  Derby, 
Durham,  Essex,  Glastonbury,  and  Guilford;  of  Hart 
ford,  Kent,  Lyme,  Milford,  New  Haven,  and  New  Lon 
don;  of  Norwalk,  Norwich,  Pomfret,  Preston,  Stamford, 
Stratford,  Windsor,  and  Woodstock;  but  in  their  home 
steads  he  would  have  seen  at  that  date  some  of  the  chairs 
and  chests,  the  books  and  pieces  of  plate,  the  spoons, 
dishes,  buckles,  and  quilts,  and  the  family  Bible,  with  its 
precious  record  of  births,  marriages,  and  deaths,  which 
their  possessors  prized  for  their  ancestral  associations 
across  the  sea. 

Coventry  was  Hale's  birthplace.  Of  his  boyhood  and 
country  life  we  could  expect  to  know  little,  so  far  as  any 
household  records  would  reveal  it.  Those  years,  and 
indeed  the  course  of  domestic  experiences  generally, 
varied  little  in  the  colony  circles.  From  glimpses,  tradi 
tions,  and  fragmentary  diaries  a  picture  could  be  drawn, 
which,  in  its  perspective,  would  do  for  all.  Early  mar 
riages  were  the  rule.  Hale's  father,  born  February  28, 
1717,  was  twenty-nine ;  his  mother,  born  February  7, 
1727,  was  nineteen.  They  were  married  in  Coventry, 
May  2,  1746,  and  lived  and  died  in  the  place.  Their 
son  Nathan,  to  whose  memory  these  pages  are  dedicated, 
was  born  June  6,  1755,  the  fifth  boy  and  sixth  child  in 
the  family  of  twelve.  He  had  eight  brothers  and  three 
sisters,  two  dying  in  infancy.  David  and  Jonathan  were 
twins.  His  elder  sister,  being,  like  her  mother  and 
grandmother,  the  eldest  daughter,  bore  the  same  name, 
Elizabeth.  The  other  children  were  Samuel,  John, 


4  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Joseph,  Enoch,  Richard,  Billy,  Joanna,  and  Susanna, 
several  of  whom  married  and  have  descendants  living. 
Nathan  was  doubtless  named  after  one  of  the  Nathan 
Strongs  on  his  mother's  side  of  the  house. 

It  will  help  to  gauge  the  characteristics  of  Hale's  fam 
ily — we  can  come  into  closer  touch  with  the  members  of 
the  household,  better  understand  their  manner  of  life, 
their  traits,  their  strength  or  weaknesses,  their  views, 
hopes,  and  prospects — if  we  turn  a  moment  to  the  line 
of  their  forebears.  Lineage  sheds  a  certain  light.  In 
Hale's  case  there  are  no  gaps  in  the  record  of  the  imme 
diate  generations.  Both  on  his  paternal  and  maternal 
side,  his  descent  can  be  traced  continuously  to  its  Ameri 
can  beginnings.  Its  genealogies  contain  their  proportion 
of  individual  histories,  in  which  one  may  detect  a  thread 
of  family  resemblances  or  rate  the  value  of  the  blood 
and  fiber  represented.  As  in  a  hundred  other  cases,  also, 
here  and  there,  in  the  direct  and  collateral  branches,  at 
different  points  and  in  different  generations,  we  meet 
with  some  fine  development.  Some  strain  of  superiority 
or  rare  worth  will  be  found  asserting  itself  in  the  person 
of  a  distinguished  judge,  an  eminent  divine,  a  public 
benefactor,  or  again  in  the  person  of  a  youthful  patriot. 
The  good  people  of  that  day  not  only  believed  in  the 
transmission  of  qualities  and  observed  likenesses,  but  they 
highly  valued  the  living  influence  of  one  generation  upon 
another — an  influence  which  modern  conditions  are  grad 
ually  lessening.  Neighbors  then,  more  often  than  not, 
were  relatives.  Hale  could  remember  his  great-grand 
father,  and  of  his  grandmother's  graces,  and  guardian 
ship  over  him,  he  himself  speaks  with  appreciation  and 
feeling.  There  is  material  here  for  the  study  of  heredity 
and  the  influence  or  predominance  of  individualism  in  our 
national  growth. 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  5 

The  ships  that  sailed  into  Massachusetts  Bay  in  the 
notable  years  between  1630  and  1640  brought  over  what 
local  historians  like  to  call  much  "precious  freight." 
They  brought  more  than  one  stout  heart  and  devoted 
group,  which  old  England  could  ill  afford  to  spare,  but 
in  whom  New  England  found  her  making.  Among  these 
first  comers — commonwealth  builders  as  they  were  to 
prove — were  the  ancestors  of  Nathan  Hale.  The  names 
of  his  father,  Richard  Hale,  and  his  mother,  Elizabeth 
Strong,  take  us  back  to  their  great-grandparents,  the 
Hales  and  the  Strongs,  who  followed  Governor  Win- 
throp  from  England  to  Boston  to  help  break  ground  for 
the  new  settlements  on  the  Charles  River  and  the  Connec 
ticut.  In  later  years,  their  names  appear  again  at  this 
point  in  the  wilderness  or  that  town  on  the  coast,  showing 
that  they  took  their  part  abreast  with  the  others  in  the 
active  work  of  colonization. 

On  the  father's  side  the  immigrant  was  Robert  Hale, 
who  came,  we  are  told,  of  the  old  and  knighted  family 
of  Hales  in  Kent.  That  he  cared  little  for  crests  or 
coats  of  arms,  and  much  more  for  a  new  start  in  life 
and  a  freer  atmosphere,  may  perhaps  be  inferred  from 
his  leaving  England  at  one  of  the  earliest  opportunities. 
Making  Charlestown,  Massachusetts,  his  permanent 
home,  he  assisted  in  founding  the  church  there  in  1632, 
and  became  deacon,  selectman,  ensign,  and  surveyor. 
Evidently  an  energetic  and  thrifty  individual — by  occu 
pation  a  blacksmith — he  kept  increasing  his  acres  until 
he  owned  fields  and  lots  on  Charlestown  Neck,  along  the 
Mystic  River,  and  adjoining  the  roads  in  the  vicinity 
which  were  to  become  the  scene  of  some  lively  warfare  in 
1775.  One  of  his  neighbors,  following  him  two  or  three 
years  later,  was  that  George  Bunker  whose  famous  hill 
stands  in  the  new  world  for  all  and  more  than  Mara 
thon's  mound  has  so  long  stood  for  in  the  old.  It  was 


6  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

to  remain  for  a  descendant  of  his  in  the  fifth  generation — 
the  young  captain  of  1776 — to  assist  in  ridding  the  ances 
tral  farm  of  an  enemy's  presence.  Robert  Hale's  pros 
perity  and  intelligence  no  doubt  led  him  to  share  in  the 
desire  which  the  leading  colonists  felt  to  educate  preach 
ers  for  their  multiplying  churches  on  their  own  soil,  and 
we  presently  find  him  sending  his  eldest  son,  John,  to  the 
newly  founded  Harvard  College. 

This  wras  the  Rev.  John  Hale,  graduated  in  1657,  who 
was  the  first  and  long-settled  pastor  at  Beverly,  just 
beyond  Salem,  Massachusetts.  He  is  described  as  a  rep 
resentative  man,  of  recognized  abilities,  generous  dis 
position,  public-spirited,  and,  of  course,  a  Calvinist  of  the 
prevailing  robust  type.  The  occasional  hardships  and 
misfortunes  of  his  people  he  made  his  own.  In  1676, 
when  King  Philip's  War  caused  distress,  he  directed  the 
selectmen  of  the  parish  to  dispose  of  £6,  about  one  twelfth 
of  his  year's  salary,  for  the  general  defense.  In  1690, 
he  went  as  chaplain  on  Phipps'  disastrous  expedition 
against  Quebec,  not  only  to  fight  the  annoying  French 
man,  but  also  to  watch  over  a  company  of  his  own  young 
parishioners.  Inevitably,  with  Salem  so  near,  he  was 
identified  with  the  witchcraft  trials,  but  latterly,  through 
a  personal  experience,  was  convinced  of  the  error  of  the 
proceedings,  and  in  1697  issued  a  "Modest  Inquiry" 
into  the  nature  of  the  delusion.  "Such,"  he  writes,  "was 
the  darkness  of  that  day,  the  tortures  and  lamentations  of 
the  afflicted,  and  the  power  of  former  precedents,  that 
we  walked  in  the  clouds  and  could  not  see  our  way" ;  but, 
as  he  continues  in  another  connection,  "observing  the 
events  of  that  sad  catastrophe,  Anno  1692,  I  was  brought 
to  a  more  strict  scanning  of  the  principles  I  had  imbibed, 
and  by  scanning,  to  question,  and  by  questioning  at  length 
to  reject  many  of  them."  His  revulsion  against  the  pain 
ful  business,  even  though  partial,  could  only  have  deep- 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  ^ 

ened  his  human  sympathies  and  drawn  him  nearer  to  his 
flock.  Upon  his  death  or  earlier,  his  family,  as  in  so 
many  other  instances,  dispersed  to  find  new  fields.  One 
son  remained  at  Beverly,  another  became  a  pastor  and 
settled  at  Ashford,  Connecticut,  and  a  third  son,  Samuel, 
moved  along  the  coast,  first  to  Newburyport  and  then  to 
Portsmouth. 

The  line  we  are  following  comes  down  through  this 
Samuel  Hale.  There  is  little  recorded  of  him,  but  it  is 
to  be  noticed  that,  like  his  father  and  grandfather,  he 
was  represented  by  a  son  at  Harvard,  also  named  Samuel, 
who  remained  at  Portsmouth,  and  of  whom  we  shall  hear 
again  as  a  good  citizen,  defender  of  his  country,  and 
notable  schoolmaster.  Another  son,  named  Richard,  of 
more  interest  to  us,  fell  into  the  general  drift,  as  it  would 
appear,  looked  about  for  richer  soil,  perhaps  a  less  rigor 
ous  climate,  and  with  other  wide-awake  farmers  settled 
in  a  new  locality.  About  1744,  a  young,  unmarried  man, 
he  found  his  way  into  Connecticut  and  made  choice  of 
his  future  home  in  the  town  of  Coventry,  some  twenty 
miles  east  of  Hartford.  This  Richard,  fourth  from  the 
immigrant,  was  the  father  of  our  Nathan  Hale. 

Upon  Hale's  mother's  side,  the  story  of  descent  is  in 
some  respects  a  repetition  of  his  father's.  That  young 
Nathan  himself  would  have  dwelt  with  a  most  affection 
ate  interest  on  what  he  knew  of  it  may  be  gathered  from 
some  of  the  last  expressions  we  have  from  his  pen.  To 
his  brother  Enoch  he  wrote  from  camp:  "This  will  prob 
ably  find  you  in  Coventry;  if  so,  remember  me  to  all  my 
friends,  particularly  belonging  to  the  family.  Forget 
not  frequently  to  visit  and  strongly  to  represent  my  duty 
to  our  good  grandmother  Strong.  Has  she  not  repeat 
edly  favored  us  with  her  tender,  most  important  advice? 
The  natural  tie  is  sufficient,  but  increased  by  so  much 
goodness,  our  gratitude  cannot  be  too  sensible."  Hale's 


8  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

mother  was  not  then  living,  but  in  her  mother,  as  just 
described,  we  doubtless  see  the  temperament  which  ruled 
her  own  household.  That  she  was  gentle,  true,  and  watch 
ful  may  be  readily  assumed,  and  perhaps  we  perceive 
some  of  her  stronger  traits  of  character  reflected  and 
emphasized  in  those  of  her  son.  "Our  good  grand 
mother  Strong"  draws  us  equally  to  the  youth  whose  love 
and  remembrance  were  deep  and  manly,  and  to  the  lin 
eage  which  produced  such  womanhood.  But  the  story 
is  not  exceptional.  The  Strongs,  like  the  Hales,  were  a 
typical  family,  through  whom,  in  connection  with  the 
many  others  with  corresponding  or  varying  records,  we 
are  enabled  to  observe  the  working  of  domestic  and  social 
influences  in  colonial  life. 

The  head  of  the  line  here  was  Elder  John  Strong,  who 
in  the  spring  of  1630  sailed  from  Plymouth,  England,  in 
the  ship  Mary  and  John,  and  helped  in  the  founding  of 
Dorchester,  south  of  Boston.  His  numerous  descend 
ants — quite  a  remarkable  list — are  scattered  to-day 
throughout  the  country.  Passing  on  to  Taunton  and  then 
to  Windsor,  Connecticut,  he  returned  to  Massachusetts  in 
1659,  and  with  a  few  others,  for  the  third  time,  started 
a  new  settlement,  which  became  Northampton.  His 
grandsons,  Joseph  and  Elnathan,  settled  in  Connecticut, 
the  former  at  Coventry,  about  1715,  twenty  or  thirty 
years  before  Richard  Hale.  This  Joseph,  known  as 
Justice  Joseph  Strong,  grew  up  with  the  place  and  became 
a  leading  townsman,  filling  the  offices  of  treasurer  and 
justice  of  the  peace  for  many  years,  and  representing 
Coventry  in  the  General  Assembly  for  sixty-five  sessions. 
Vigorous,  both  mentally  and  physically,  he  could  preside 
at  a  town  meeting  in  his  ninetieth  year.  He  was  suc 
ceeded  in  some  of  his  offices  and  a  portion  of  his  lands  by 
his  son,  also  Joseph,  generally  called  Captain  Joseph 
Strong.  In  1724,  this  Joseph  married  his  second  cousin, 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  9 

Elizabeth  Strong,  daughter  of  Preserved  Strong,  the 
"grandmother"  referred  to  above;  and  it  was  their  eldest 
daughter,  again  Elizabeth,  fifth  from  the  immigrant,  who 
became  the  wife  of  Richard  and  the  mother  of  Nathan 
Hale. 

Hale's  immediate  ancestors  were  thus  among  the 
first  inhabitants  and  co-builders  of  his  native  place,  and 
exercised  no  little  influence  on  the  gathering  community. 
Success  seems  to  have  attended  the  enterprise  and  hard 
labors  of  these  families.  From  the  town  records  we  learn 
that  as  early  as  1724  Justice  Strong  was  able  to  turn  over 
to  his  son,  Captain  Strong,  a  farm  of  ninety  acres,  in 
consideration  of  "parental  love  and  affection,"  and  that 
Richard  Hale,  in  1745,  could  purchase  from  Talcott 
and  Lathrop,  apparently  two  of  the  original  proprietors 
of  the  Coventry  tract,  an  extensive  farm  of  two  hundred 
and  forty  acres.  These  lands  lay  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  survey,  or  in  what  is  now  the  separate  town  of 
South  Coventry.  The  Strong  homestead,  in  which  Hale's 
mother  was  probably  born,  was  pulled  down  a  number 
of  years  ago,  while  the  Hale  homestead,  which  still 
stands  in  good  condition,  is  understood  not  to  be  the 
original  dwelling  in  which  Nathan  was  born,  but  one 
of  later  date,  standing  two  or  three  rods  northwest  of 
it,  with  which,  as  the  references  show,  he  was  familiar. 
Associations  with  it  were  recalled  in  after  life  by  one  of 
Hale's  nieces,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Abbot,  who  lived  there  for 
fifteen  years,  from  about  1784  to  1799.  "From  my 
earliest  recollection,"  she  wrote  to  a  cousin  in  1856,  "I 
have  felt  a  deep  interest  in  that  unfortunate  uncle.  When 
his  death  or  the  manner  of  it  was  spoken  of  my  grief 
would  come  forth  in  tears.  Living  in  the  old  homestead, 
I  frequently  heard  allusions  to  him  by  the  neighbors  and 
persons  that  worked  in  the  family,  much  more  so  than  by 
near  relatives.  It  seemed  the  anguish  they  felt  did  not 


io  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

allow  them  to  make  it  a  subject  of  conversation.  Was  it 
not  so  with  your  mother?"1 

Such  was  Hale's  ancestral  background.  Solid  qualities, 
excellent  traits,  and  simple  ways — such  as  any  one 
familiar  with  the  domestic  life  of  the  later  New  England 
colonists  would  recognize — had  come  down  with  tradi 
tions  and  memories  to  be  passed  along.  All  combined 
to  produce  the  stout-hearted,  hard-working,  practical, 
self-reliant  and  generally  serious-minded  circle  of  rela 
tives  and  friends  among  whom  he  was  brought  up.  There 
were  great  possibilities  in  those  little  communities  that 
worked  out  into  larger  activities  and  actualities.  It  was 
the  seedtime  existence,  that  was  destined,  with  what 
could  be  found  everywhere  up  and  down  the  continental 
coast,  to  expand  into  the  energetic  and  productive  life 
that  especially  marked  our  nineteenth  century.  Descend 
ants  of  the  Coventry  Hales  and  Strongs,  as  of  a  multi 
tude  of  others,  have  been,  and  are  to-day,  clergymen, 
lawyers,  professors,  editors,  farmers,  and  business  men, 
not  to  forget  delightful  and  worthy  women,  who  repre 
sent  the  development  or  are  honored  in  the  sacrifice  of 
the  young  men  of  "Seventy-Six." 

At  Hale's  home  the  responsibilities  were  great,  but 
bravely  met  by  the  parents.  Of  the  head  of  the  house 
it  is  said,  that  "never  a  man  worked  so  hard  for  both 

aMr.  Abiel  Abbot,  of  East  Wilton,  New  Hampshire,  son  of  Mrs. 
Abbot,  quoted  above,  wrote  in  1856  that  the  house  she  lived  in,  1784- 
1799,  was  built  many  years  before;  "but  parts,  still  unfinished  when  she 
went  to  live  there,  were  finished  at  different  times  afterwards.  Allu 
sions  were  still  frequent  to  the  old  house,  then  torn  down,  which  had 
stood  two  or  three  rods  to  the  southeast."  Again:  "Mother's  home  con 
tinued  to  be  at  the  old  homestead  in  the  family  of  her  grandfather 
[Deacon  Richard  Hale]  and  her  uncle  John  [Nathan's  brother]  until 
her  own  marriage  in  1799."  References  to  the  "north  chamber,"  with 
a  supposed  profile  of  him  on  its  door,  seem  to  indicate  that  it  was 
Nathan's  room.  Further  extracts  are  given  in  Chapter  VIII. — MSS.  in 
Connecticut  Historical  Society  Archives. 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  n 

worlds  as  Deacon  Hale."  The  town  and  ecclesiastical 
society  confided  in  him.  He  held  offices  from  each. 
For  a  few  terms  in  succession  the  Coventry  deputies  to 
the  Connecticut  Assembly  were  Hale  and  Strong.  Of 
the  mother  we  have  already  formed  an  impression — 
certainly  a  domestic  and  devoted  woman,  the  fitting  link 
between  the  "good  grandmother"  and  more  than  one 
superior  child  and  descendant.  The  six  things  such  a 
family,  young  and  old,  would  have  to  think  of  and  live 
for  the  year  round  were  home,  farm,  church,  school, 
chores,  play.  Stuart,  Hale's  first  biographer,  describes 
it  as  "a  quiet,  strict,  godly  household,  where  the  Bible 
ruled  and  family  prayers  never  failed,  nor  was  grace 
ever  omitted  at  meals,  nor  work  done  after  sundown  on 
a  Saturday  night."  One  item  would  stagger  the  modern 
parent — not  only  clothes  for  twelve,  but  the  cloth  must  be 
spun  at  home  or  around  among  the  neighbors.  It  was  so 
at  the  Hales'. 

Work  on  the  farm  should  have  gone  along  handily, 
as  there  were  boys  enough  to  call  upon.  Incidents  of 
this  part  of  their  life  would  hardly  be  looked  for.  It 
may  be  of  interest  to  recall  that  soon  after  the  death 
of  old  Deacon  Hale,  or  in  1804,  his  son  David,  younger 
brother  of  Nathan,  removed  to  the  ancestral  farm  and 
is  understood  to  have  made  it  a  model  one.  This  David, 
like  Nathan,  graduated  at  Yale  College,  and  entered 
the  ministry.  An  unassuming  and  lovable  man,  also 
strict  and  methodical  it  would  appear,  his  delicate 
health  forced  him  into  open-air  life.  Whether  he 
was  putting  into  larger  practice  what  he  had  learned 
under  his  father  one  cannot  say,  but  his  system  must 
have  reflected  the  old  days  in  part.  As  to  practical 
farming,  we  are  told  that  uhe  would  never  suffer 
a  dumb  animal  to  be  abused.  His  horses  and  oxen 
were  trained  and  guided  in  the  field  without  fear  of 


i2  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

whip  or  goad."  Saturday  night  was  strictly  observed. 
uEven  in  harvest  time,  on  Saturday  afternoon  his  work 
men  were  called  from  the  field  and  dismissed  with  supper 
in  season  for  each  to  reach  his  home  before  sun-down." 
"The  interior  affairs  of  the  household  were  conducted 
with  like  method  and  regularity.  There  was  a  fixed  hour 
for  rising  and  retiring,  for  devotional  exercises,  and  for 
every  meal.  Order  was  the  law  of  the  house  and  of 
the  farm;  and  whoever  was  employed  in  either,  though 
but  for  one  day,  was  required  to  conform  to  the  estab 
lished  rules.  .  .  .  Mr.  Hale  was  as  rigid  in  exacting 
what  was  right  from  others  as  he  was  conscientious  and 
even  scrupulous  in  doing  right  himself,"  and  with  this 
"was  blended  a  kindness  and  gentleness  of  spirit  hardly 
less  rare."  "A  generous  hospitality  always  graced  his 
board,  and  his  charity,  often  bestowed  in  secret,  relieved 
the  wants  of  the  poor."1  David's  farm  was  evidently  a 
fine  one,  but  many  things  about  it  would  not  have  been 
new  to  Nathan. 

All,  of  course,  had  some  schooling.  Whether  Nathan 
and  the  others  attended  the  original  Coventry  school- 
house,  which,  by  town-meeting  vote,  was  to  be  twenty 
feet  long  and  eighteen  feet  wide,  or  a  later  schoolhouse, 
now  transformed  into  a  dwelling,  is  uncertain.  By  the 
same  vote  the  schoolmaster's  wages  were  fixed  at  eleven 
pounds  for  the  winter  quarter,  and  the  pupils'  enjoy 
ment  of  the  term  depended  upon  his  disposition  and  the 
depth  of  the  snow.  The  pastimes  were  the  pastimes  of 
to-day  in  the  farming  towns.  "Nathan" — quoting 
Stuart  again — "early  exhibited  a  fondness  for  those  rural 
sports  to  which  such  a  birthplace  and  scenery  naturally 
invited  him.  He  loved  the  gun  and  fishing-rod,  and 

1  Life  of  David  Hale,  son  of  Rev.  David  Hale,  by  Joseph  P.  Thomp 
son,  D.D.  New  York.  pp.  7-10. 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  13 

exhibited  great  ingenuity  in  fashioning  juvenile  imple 
ments  of  every  sort.  He  was  fond  of  running,  leaping, 
wrestling,  firing  at  a  mark,  throwing,  lifting,  playing  ball. 
In  consequence,  his  infancy,  at  first  feeble,  soon  hardened 
by  simple  diet  and  exercise  into  a  firm  boyhood.  And 
with  the  growth  of  his  body  his  mind,  naturally  bright 
and  active,  developed  rapidly.  He  mastered  his  books 
with  ease,  was  fond  of  reading  out  of  school,  and  was 
constantly  applying  his  information."  If,  according  to 
present  standards,  the  boys'  acquirements  of  that  day 
were  simple,  perhaps  their  absorptive  powers  were  more 
active  and  tenacious.  In  those  interesting  years,  young 
Nathan  and  his  fellows  could  not  but  have  added  to  the 
"three  R's"  and  their  accompaniments  the  more  valuable 
impressions  and  knowledge — more  valuable  in  view  of 
the  great  struggle  they  were  soon  to  enter — to  be  derived 
from  ordinary  listening  and  observation  as  when  their 
fathers  and  elder  brothers  returned  from  the  campaigns 
against  the  French  to  tell  of  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point, 
and  Quebec,  or  when,  a  little  later,  the  Stamp  Act  brought 
them  all  to  their  feet  in  protest  and  revolt. 

The  old  Congregational  meeting-house  which  Hale's 
family  attended,  facing  the  town  green  and  overlooking 
the  lake,  was  burned  down  several  years  ago.  The  par 
sonage  was  a  few  rods  south  of  it.  As  Hale's  father 
and  grandfather  Strong  were  deacons  of  the  church,  and 
the  pastor,  Rev.  Dr.  Joseph  Huntington,  intimate  with 
their  circles,  the  boy  was  surrounded  by  all  the  religious 
influences  which  New  England  Congregationalism  sought 
to  extend.  It  was  in  this  parish  church  that  the  Hale 
Monument  Association  met  on  November  25,  1836,  and 
listened  to  an  address  by  Hon.  Andrew  T.  Judson.  Refer 
ring  to  Nathan,  he  said:  "Here  was  his  birthplace.  Here 
were  his  kindred,  some  of  whom  survive,  and  are  now 
gratified  with  the  respect  you  pay  his  memory.  Here 


i4  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

he  received  the  first  rudiments  of  a  political  education. 
Here  was  the  Mother  to  whom  he  would  have  sent  back, 
in  sweet  accents  of  love  and  tenderness,  his  latest  aspira 
tions.  Here,  upon  this  very  spot,  and  in  this  very  church, 
he  paid  his  earliest  devotions.  Before  this  altar  he  first 
bent  his  knee  in  reverence  to  the  God  of  his  fathers. 
Among  this  community  he  first  inhaled  that  fervent  and 
glowing  spirit  of  patriotism,  which  conducted  him  to  the 
field  of  battle." 

When  Hale  was  twelve  years  old  he  lost  his  mother. 
She  died  April  21,  1767,  at  the  age  of  forty.  When 
young,  we  are  told,  he  was  not  in  the  best  of  health. 
Sometimes  he  is  described  as  "the  flower  of  the  family"; 
but  his  nephew  is  probably  more  correct  in  saying  that 
uhe  grew  up  among  quiet  scenes,  and  filled  his  place  well 
on  all  occasions.  He  is  remembered  in  the  neighborhood, 
or  was  before  all  those  were  dead  who  knew  him,  as 
not  particularly  distinguished  from  his  brothers  and 
other  young  men.  .  .  .  He  was  a  simple-hearted,  well- 
educated,  intelligent  country  youth,  always  doing  what 
he  thought  right;  and  that  in  those  days  was  nothing 
singular."1  We  infer  that  his  future  career  was  decided 
upon  about  this  time,  or,  at  least,  that  he  was  to  receive 
a  college  education,  and  no  doubt  the  boy  was  happy  in 
the  prospect.  If,  according  to  early  recollections  of  the 
family,  his  mother  was  more  anxious  and  urgent  than 
others  in  the  matter,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  what  influ 
ences  beyond  her  own  wishes  and  perhaps  intuitive 
appreciation  of  Nathan's  character  and  talents  may  have 
had  weight.  The  representation  of  college-bred  men 
among  the  Strongs  in  Connecticut  was  increasing.  Hale's 
own  uncle,  his  mother's  younger  brother,  Rev.  Joseph 
Strong,  a  graduate  of  Yale  College  in  the  class  of  1749, 

1  From  an  article  or  criticism  in  the  New  York  Journal  of  Com 
merce  for  July  10,  1846,  written  by  David  Hale,  then  one  of  its  editors. 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  75 

was  at  that  date  the  settled  pastor  over  the  village 
church  of  Salmon  Brook  in  Granby,  Connecticut,  north 
west  of  Coventry,  while  Rev.  Nathan  Strong,  class  of 
1742,  his  mother's  second  cousin,  was  settled  over  the 
north  parish  of  his  own  town,  but  a  few  miles  away. 
The  latter's  son,  also  Nathan,  who  was  to  become  a  dis 
tinguished  divine  in  the  State,  was  just  then,  in  1767,  a 
student  in  the  college,  where  we  shall  meet  with  him 
a  little  later  as  one  of  the  instructors.  Another  son, 
Joseph,  was  preparing  to  enter  the  same  institution.  Rela 
tionships  of  all  degrees  were  made  much  of  in  those  days, 
the  more  so  where  the  relatives  were  parish  ministers; 
and  when  the  Rev.  "Uncle"  Strong  or  the  Rev.  "Cousin" 
Strong  was  housed  over  the  Sabbath  at  Deacon  Strong's 
or  Deacon  Hale's,  it  was  an  event  of  some  social  con 
sequence.  On  these  and  like  occasions,  the  rising  genera 
tion  would  come  under  casual  inspection  and  comment, 
and  if  some  youth  in  the  circle  seemed  to  show  both 
spiritual  and  intellectual  promise,  he  might  be  marked 
as  one  to  succeed  the  learned  elders,  and  his  parents  be 
advised  to  enter  him  for  the  profession.  The  ranks  of 
that  influential  colonial  body,  the  New  England  clergy, 
were  filled  much  in  this  way,  and  in  the  decisions  the 
mothers'  views  and  hopes  for  their  sons  were  not  to  be 
ignored. 

However  it  may  have  been  in  this  case,  a  college  educa 
tion  was  decided  upon,  not  only  for  Nathan,  but  for  his 
next  elder  brother,  Enoch,  as  well.  Whether  they  were 
then,  at  that  early  age,  expecting  to  enter  the  ministry,  we 
cannot  say.  There  was  time  enough  for  a  final  decision 
later,  even  after  graduation.  The  present  task  was  prep 
aration.  Except  in  a  few  of  the  larger  towns  where  pre 
paratory  schools  existed,  the  boys  of  that  time  were  gener 
ally  fitted  for  college  by  the  minister  of  their  parish.  Ben 
jamin  Tallmadge,  one  of  Hale's  classmates,  states  in  his 


16  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

"Memoir"  that  he  and  other  boys  were  so  prepared  by 
his  father,  pastor  at  Brookhaven,  Long  Island.  Hale's 
pastor,  Rev.  Dr.  Huntington,  brother  of  the  Hon. 
Samuel  Huntington,  subsequently  one  of  the  presidents 
of  the  Continental  Congress  and  Governor  of  Connecti 
cut,  was  one  of  the  more  prominent  of  the  colony  min 
isters,  inclined  to  liberality  in  his  theological  views  and 
pronounced  in  his  sympathies  with  America  in  the  Revo 
lutionary  struggle.  Reviewing  events  in  an  election  ser 
mon  after  the  war,  he  said:  "We  once  loved  Britain 
most  dearly,  but  Britain  the  tyrant  we  could  not  love. 
Our  souls  abhorred  her  measures.  We  rose  from  the 
dust,  where  we  had  been  long  prostrate.  Our  breasts 
glowed  with  noble  ardor.  We  invoked  the  God  of  our 
fathers  and  we  took  the  field."  The  old,  attractive  par 
sonage  still  stands  in  altered  shape  on  Coventry  hill,  and 
there  without  doubt  young  Nathan  and  his  brother 
Enoch  regularly  recited  to  Mr.  Huntington  from  such 
Latin  authors  as  Eutropius,  Nepos,  Virgil,  Cicero,  and 
Horace — John  Trumbull,  the  painter,  who  fitted  at  Nor 
wich  about  the  same  period,  stating  that  these  were  the 
books  he  had  to  study — while  at  times  the  parson  must 
have  wandered  from  the  lessons  to  denounce  the  policy 
of  the  mother-country  toward  the  colonies  and  inspire 
the  boys  with  his  own  vision  of  the  greatness  of  the  new 
nation  destined  to  grow  up  here  and  which  it  would  be 
theirs  to  live  in.  In  September,  1769,  the  two  brothers 
entered  the  Freshman  class  at  Yale  College,  Nathan  then 
being  in  his  fifteenth  year. 

Hale  now  has  seven  years  before  him — four  at  college, 
two  behind  the  schoolmaster's  desk,  and  one  in  his  coun 
try's  service.  His  career  will  end  where  that  of  most 
men  begins — just  on  the  edge  of  manhood.  We  shall 
not  have  an  exceptional  experience  during  those  seven 
years.  There  will  be  no  occasion,  as  there  can  be  no 


HOME  AND  ANCESTRY  17 

wish,  to  glorify  Hale.  We  shall  find  him  a  young  man 
of  gifts  and  purpose  and  action,  as  others  among  his 
companions  were.  Those  were  the  years  of  his  making, 
and  at  the  end  there  will  come  an  unexpected  test  of 
what  was  in  him.  Our  special  and  public  interest  centers 
in  this  test — the  experience  of  the  last  twenty  days  of 
his  life.  It  is  the  interest  which  common  humanity  feels 
and  expresses  in  an  act  of  rare  devotion,  where  the  act 
is  performed  less  from  impulse  than  in  response  to  the 
call  of  duty,  fortified  by  calm  reflection  and  resolutely 
followed  to  the  end.  There  is  also  added  the  charm 
of  his  character  and  his  youth.  Scarcely  turned  the  age 
of  twenty-one,  he  will  rise  to  the  demands  of  an  extreme 
occasion  and  play  the  man.  We  justly  regard  his  sacri 
fice  as  an  ideal  act  of  patriotism.  With  a  touching  and 
noble  expression  of  regret  that  he  could  do  no  more,  he 
surrendered  in  his  country's  behalf  the  most  that  a  man 
can  give — his  life  and  his  good  name.  History  reserves 
the  shining  examples  for  herself  and  frequently  makes 
one  heroic  episode  consecrate  a  lifetime.  So  Hale  in  a 
way  becomes  endeared  to  us  through  all  his  years. 


II 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE— FOUR  YEARS  AT  YALE 

(1769-1773) 

In  his  new  sphere,  in  the  student  world  now  opening 
before  him,  it  becomes  possible  to  form  some  sort  of  per 
sonal  acquaintance  with  Hale.  Here  through  the  record, 
as  well  as  incidentally  through  his  fellows  and  instruc 
tors,  who  long  cherished  their  recollections  of  him,  the 
main  outlines  of  his  course  can  be  followed.  If  we  have 
little  from  his  own  pen,  if  we  must  forego  an  insight 
into  his  inner  self  as  he  might  have  reflected  it  in  letters 
or  in  entries  of  a  private  journal — material  which  sel 
dom  existed  and  is  rarely  found — we  can  still  see  and 
appreciate  him  in  his  surroundings.  The  intimate  and 
whole-souled  friendships  of  college  days  are  proverbial, 
and  Hale  seems  to  have  had  his  full  share  of  them.  It 
is  from  this  source  largely  that  we  are  assured  of  his 
manliness,  scholarship,  attractive  personality,  and  the 
general  high  tone  of  his  nature.  Where  he  is  recalled  as 
"a  much  loved  classmate,"  there  is  a  sweetness  and  a 
value  in  the  memory  peculiarly  its  own;  or  if  there  are 
references,  though  brief,  to  his  cultivated  mind  and  gen 
erous  impulses,  or  to  his  unassuming  air  and  quiet  dig 
nity,  or  to  his  popularity  as  seen  in  the  honors  voted 
him,  and  again  to  the  promise  of  his  success  in  life,  we 
have  a  recognized  basis  from  which  to  estimate  his 
worth.  He  should  be  understood  by  the  student  of 
to-day.  Every  college  generation  produces  young  men 
who  impress  themselves  upon  their  associates  somewhat 
as  Hale  did  in  his  time. 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  19 

In  1769,  Yale  College  at  New  Haven  was  but  a  town 
academy,  compared  with  the  spreading  university  now 
starting  on  its  third  century  of  growth.  But  relatively 
its  usefulness  and  distinction  were  hardly  less  marked. 
Its  acting  President  was  Rev.  Dr.  Naphtali  Daggett, 
who  also  continued  his  duties  as  Professor  of  Divinity, 
the  first  and  only  full  professorship  in  the  college  at  that 
time.  While  not  especially  capable  as  an  administrator, 
one  of  his  students  has  said  of  him  that  he  was  an  instruct 
ive  preacher  and  another  that  he  was  appreciated  and 
loved.  In  the  younger  group,  among  the  tutors,  there 
were  several  able  men,  such  as  Ebenezer  Baldwin,  Joseph 
Lyman,  John  Trumbull,  Joseph  Howe,  Nathan  Strong, 
and  Timothy  Dwight,  with  whom  Hale  came  in  contact 
in  one  year  or  another  and  felt  their  influence,  though  not 
all  were  his  immediate  teachers.  The  last  two  gave 
promise  of,  and  won,  a  wide  reputation  in  their  fields, 
Dwight  becoming  President  of  Yale,  and  Strong  a  shining 
light  of  the  Hartford  pulpit.  Howe,  also  a  minister, 
died  early,  just  as  his  talents  were  attracting  attention. 
Hale  notes  his  death  in  his  army  diary.  Strong  was 
Hale's  relative  and  fellow-townsman,  mentioned  in  the 
previous  chapter,  with  both  of  whom  Dwight  was  dis 
tantly  connected,  being  a  descendant  of  Elder  Strong, 
of  Northampton.  Our  young  student  thus  found  him 
self,  certainly  in  his  Junior  and  Senior  years,  among 
personal  friends,  and  in  these  friends  he  was  equally 
fortunate  in  finding  scholarly  instructors  and  kindly 
advisers.  How  highly  and  fondly  Dwight  came  to 
regard  him  will  appear  in  another  connection. 

During  Hale's  course  there  were  about  one  hundred 
students  in  the  four  classes.  His  own,  the  class  of  1773, 
was  the  largest,  with  its  thirty-six  graduates.  At  that 
date  three  buildings  stood  on  the  college  grounds — one, 
the  original  Yale  College,  being  a  dormitory  with  dining- 


20  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

hall,  standing  on  the  site  of  present  Osborn  Hall  and 
called  "Old  College";  another,  a  chapel  and  library, 
afterwards  known  as  the  Athenaeum;  and  a  third,  a 
later  dormitory  dedicated  as  "Connecticut  Hall,"  but 
usually  called  "New  College."  Even  then  they  needed 
repairs  and  finishing  touches,  as  we  find  from  the  Presi 
dent's  petitions  to  the  Colony  Assembly  in  1768  and 
1769.  The  several  things,  he  says,  "yet  wanting  to  put 
the  College  into  a  condition  for  Answering  the  great  and 
valuable  Designs  of  it"  are  a  decent  fence  for  the  yard, 
a  more  convenient  kitchen  and  dining-room,  the  comple 
tion  of  the  entries  of  the  Brick  College,  finishing  the 
new  Library  on  the  upper  floor  of  the  Chapel,  and  carry 
ing  the  lower  part  of  the  Chapel  steeple  up  to  that 
point.  "A  larger  number  of  instructors"  was  included 
among  the  wants.  As  usual,  the  Assembly  appropriated 
the  merest  fraction  of  what  was  called  for.1 

Of  these  earliest  buildings,  the  new  college,  the  above 
Brick  College,  long  to  be  remembered  as  old  "South 
Middle,"  still  stands  on  the  Campus  in  restored  form, 
much  as  Hale  used  to  know  it.  He  roomed  within  its 
walls,  in  its  south  entry,  during  one  or  more  of  his  four 
years.2  His  roommates,  three  being  then  assigned  to  a 
room  with  its  two  "studies,"  were  his  brother  Enoch  and 
a  classmate,  Isaac  Gridley. 

1  Archives  State  Library,  Hartford,  "Colleges  and  Schools,"  Vol.  II, 
Nos.  88,  94. 

2  The    long   accepted   tradition   that   Hale   roomed   in   present   "South 
Middle"  we  believe  to  be  established   as  fact  by  Tallmadge's  letter  to 
him,  in  the  Appendix,  beginning  "Friendly  Sir"  and  addressed  at  the  end 

"To  Mr  Nathan  Hale 

N.  South  Stairs." 

Though  undated,  other  references  show  it  to  have  been  written  in  their 
Junior  or  Senior  year,  1772-73.  The  above  "N"  is  clearly  an  abbrevia 
tion  of  "New."  That  is,  Hale  roomed  in  new  college,  not  the  old,  while 
the  additional  fact  appears  that  his  room  was  in  south  stairs  or  south 
entry.  The  "Friendly  Sir"  is  preceded  by  the  letter  "N"  and  another 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  21 

How  that  early  colonial  college  would  measure  up  as 
compared  with  modern  standards  is  best  told  by  Pro 
fessor  Dexter,  whose  researches  and  long  familiarity 
with  its  history  make  his  estimate  authoritative. 

Student  life  in  1750  [he  writes],  was  in  essentials 
very  closely  akin  to  student  life  in  1907.  Undoubtedly 
there  was  more  coarseness  and  less  luxury,  more  formal 
relations  with  the  governing  body  and  less  mental  im 
provement,  perhaps  more  experience  in  grace  and  cer 
tainly  less  experience  in  the  world, — but  this  is  only 
saying  in  another  way  that  the  college  shared  the  general 
character  of  its  century,  and  was  not,  as  we  should  not 
expect  it  to  be,  ahead  of  the  times.  .  .  . 

In  general,  my  conception  of  the  little  community  of 
that  epoch — varying  in  size  from  ninety  members  to 
nearly  twice  that  number — represents  it  as  substantially 
homogeneous,  living  in  the  main  a  separate  cloistered 
life,  with  few  great  excitements  and  little  knowledge  of 
the  world  outside,  not  excessively  studious  nor  remark 
ably  quiet,  but  reasonably  responsive  to  the  appeals  of 
conscience  and  appreciative  of  the  gaieties  of  life.  In 
proportion  to  their  means,  they  were,  I  am  inclined  to 
think,  as  lavish  in  personal  expenditure  and  as  ready  for 
combined  extravagance  as  any  generation  since.  There 
was  always  a  considerable  group  of  candidates  for  the 
ministry  who  had  chosen  their  vocation  at  a  somewhat 
advanced  age,  and  thus  contributed  a  more  settled  and 
sober  element;  yet  even  with  this  makeweight,  the  com 
munity  abounded  in  liveliness. 

With  our  different  habits  we  may  imagine  their  life 
uncouth  and  barbarous;  but  we  need  not  waste  our  pity. 
To  them  it  was  a  life  of  breadth  and  freedom  and  stim- 

character,  usually  taken  to  be  in  Tallmadge's  hand.  On  close  compari 
son  it  is  found  to  be  Hale's  indorsement  "N2"  [No.  2?].  As  these  stu 
dents  were  then  corresponding  in  a  friendly  way,  this,  apparently,  was 
the  second  letter  Hale  had  received,  and  he  may  have  so  marked  it. — 
Original  MSS.  in  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Archives. 


22  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

ulus,  compared  with  that  in  the  ordinary  New  England 
village  of  their  earlier  years;  and  the  college  brother 
hood,  then  even  more  than  now,  found  in  itself  a  zest 
and  a  capacity  for  enjoyment  beyond  the  reach  or 
perhaps  the  comprehension  of  maturer  years.1 

We  do  not  have  to  go  to  the  standing  rules  to  learn 
that  supervision  of  the  college  was  of  the  parental  order. 
Naturally,  the  Puritan  touch  would  be  found  in  all  the 
moral  and  religious  obligations  enjoined — the  living  of 
blameless  lives,  the  frequent  reading  of  the  Scriptures 
as  the  fountain  of  light  and  truth,  the  strict  observance 
of  the  Sabbath,  and  the  regular  attendance  on  public  and 
private  devotions.  Delinquencies  and  offenses  were  pun 
ishable  largely  by  fines — a  survival  of  the  practice  in  the 
mediaeval  guilds  and  later  corporations — the  fines  rang 
ing  from  a  penny  for  absence  from  morning  or  evening 
prayers  in  the  chapel,  to  ten  or  twelve  shillings,  or  sus 
pension,  or  expulsion  for  repeated  or  glaring  misdemean 
ors,  although  by  Hale's  time  this  demand  upon  the  pocket 
seemed  to  be  yielding  to  more  rational  discipline.  Among 
the  familiar  and  milder  pranks  was  the  ringing  of  the  col 
lege  bell  at  unearthly  hours.  Fines  did  not  stop  it.  A 
Freshman  caught  in  the  act,  bell-rope  in  hand,  was  boxed 
on  the  ears  by  the  President,  by  way  of  change  and  on 
advice  of  the  tutorial  faculty;  but  the  ringing  went  on, 
to  be  indulged  in  now  and  then  far  into  the  following 
century. 

Those  were  the  days,  as  well,  when  much  outward 
ceremony  must  be  observed  toward  the  college  authori 
ties.  All  the  students  were  to  stand  with  hats  off  when 
ever  the  President  passed  along  the  walks,  and  all  were 
to  bow  when  he  went  in  or  out  of  the  Chapel;  but  this — 

1  "Student  Life  at  Yale  in  the  Early  Days  of  Connecticut  Hall,  by 
Franklin  Bowditch  Dexter,  Litt.D."  Transactions  of  the  New  Haven 
Colony  Historical  Society,  Vol.  VII,  p.  297. 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  23 

the  chapel  bowing — they  still  do  with  the  same  respect 
and  perhaps  for  the  old  days'  sake.  In  these  formalities, 
the  Freshmen  found  themselves  a  sadly  abused  class, 
their  insignificance  being  even  officially  recognized. 
Minor  indignities  they  might  put  up  with,  but  to  be 
compelled  to  wait  upon  and  be  messengers  to  upper- 
class  men  must  have  seemed  to  them  sheer  oppression — - 
an  excessive  stretch  of  the  humility  they  were  taught  as 
boys  to  show  to  their  elders.  Consolation  could  come 
only  in  the  prospect  of  the  retaliation  they  would  mete 
out  to  the  next  set  of  innocents.  We  have  a  description 
of  campus  customs  and  college  costume  in  the  reminis 
cences  of  Oliver  Wolcott,  Hamilton's  successor  as  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury,  in  the  very  summer  of  1773, 
when  Hale  was  about  to  graduate. 

I  went  up  to  college  in  the  evening  [he  tells  us] ,  to 
observe  the  scene  of  my  future  exploits  with  emotions  of 
awe  and  reverence.  Men  in  black  robes,  white  wigs  and 
high  cocked  hats,  young  men  in  camblet  gowns,  passed 
us  in  small  groups.  The  men  in  robes  and  wigs  I  was 
told  were  professors;  the  young  men  in  gowns  were 
students.  There  were  young  men  in  black  silk  gowns, 
some  with  bands  and  others  without.  These  were  either 
tutors  in  the  college  or  resident  graduates  to  whom  the 
title  of  "Sir"  was  accorded.  When  we  entered  the  col 
lege  yard  a  new  scene  was  presented.  There  was  a  class 
who  wore  no  gowns  and  who  walked  but  never  ran  or 
jumped  in  the  yard.  They  appeared  much  in  awe  or 
looked  surlily  after  they  passed  by  the  young  men  habited 
in  gowns  and  staves.  Some  of  the  young  gownsmen 
treated  those  who  wore  neither  hats  nor  gowns  in  the 
yard  with  harshness  and  what  I  thought  indignity.  I 
give  an  instance:  "Nevill,  go  to  my  room,  middle  story 
of  old  college,  No.  — ,  and  take  from  it  a  pitcher,  fill  it 
from  the  pump,  place  it  in  my  room  and  stay  there  till 
my  return.  .  .  .  J:  The  domineering  young  men  I  was 


24  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

told  were  scholars  or  students  of  the  sophomore  class, 
and  those  without  hats  and  gowns  and  who  walked  in 
the  yard  were  freshmen,  who  out  of  the  hours  of  study 
were  waiters  or  servants  to  the  authority,  the  president, 
professors,  tutors  and  undergraduates.1 

But  behind  this  exterior  could  be  found  that  freedom, 
companionship,  and  communistic  enthusiasm,  which  have 
always  made  the  American  student's  life  one  of  the  hap 
piest  of  his  experiences.  Those  generally  robust  sons 
of  colonial  parents  were  not  likely  to  spend  four  years 
in  tame  existence.  The  numerous  offenses  mentioned  in 
the  penal  laws  of  the  college  show  how  far  their  spirits 
had  to  be  curbed.  They  had  their  recreations,  sports, 
and  occasional  outbreaks;  and  if  we  read  aright,  they 
resented  impositions,  one  instance  occurring  in  Hale's 
day,  when  John  Brown,  of  the  class  of  1771,  afterwards 
a  gallant  officer  of  the  Revolution,  was  one  of  the  lead 
ers  in  a  revolt  against  the  quality,  it  would  seem,  of 
college  "commons,"  and  left  with  others  until  grievances 
were  redressed.  A  few  years  earlier  they  had  denounced 
college  governing  methods  and  became  at  times  insub 
ordinate  and  riotous.  At  the  proper  moment,  again, 
they  were  ready  to  put  themselves  on  record  on  the  trade 
issues  with  the  mother-country,  as  when  the  class  that 
graduated  as  Hale  entered  voted  almost  unanimously 
to  appear  at  their  Commencement  exercises  "wholly 
dressed  in  the  Manufactures  of  our  own  Country,"  giving 
early  public  notice  "so  that  their  Parents  and  Friends 
may  have  sufficient  Time  to  be  providing  Homespun 
Cloaths  for  them,  that  none  of  them  may  be  obliged  to 
the  hard  Necessity  of  unfashionable  Singularity,  by 
wearing  imported  Cloth."2  It  was  such  action  as  this, 

1  Wolcott  Memorial,  p.  225. 

2  Dexter,    Yale  Biographies,   etc.,   Vol.   Ill,   p.    303.     Dr.    Stiles,   who 
attended   Commencement  at   Harvard   in  July,   1770,  notes   in  his  Diary 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  25 

and  what  more  preceded  and  followed,  that,  in  after 
years,  led  the  loyalist  graduate,  Judge  Thomas  Jones,  of 
Long  Island,  to  distinguish  his  Alma  Mater  as  "a  nursery 
of  sedition,  of  faction,  and  republicanism." 

To  Hale  and  his  brother,  college  life  must  have  been 
a  constant  enjoyment,  and  in  view  of  their  training  it 
could  have  been  no  task  for  them  to  conform  to  the 
rules.  By  the  fortunate  preservation  of  three  letters 
from  their  father — plain,  homely  missives,  with  the 
usual  distorted  spelling,  but  very  uncommon  as  records 
and  valuable  to  us  just  now  for  their  tenderness,  injunc 
tions,  and  hard  fact — we  get  a  few  glimpses  of  the  boys 
in  their  new  relations.  Whether  as  Freshmen  or  Sopho 
mores,  they  were  addressed  as  "Dear  Children,"  and 
reminded  of  their  duties.  They  had  written  home  on 
December  7,  1769,  two  months  after  entrance,  that  they 
were  comfortably  settled,  and  on  the  26th  their  parent 
replies:  "I  hope  you  will  carefully  mind  your  studies  that 
your  time  be  not  lost  and  that  you  will  mind  all  the  orders 
of  Colledge  with  care."  Above  all,  they  were  not  to 
forget  their  devotions  or  chapel  prayers.  A  year  later, 
he  wrote  in  the  same  vein,  and  added:  "Shun  all  vice, 
especially  card-playing."  The  common  view  of  this 
diversion  was  still  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  the  regu 
lations  of  1745,  under  which  play  at  cards,  dice,  or  on  a 
wager  was  subject  to  fine,  to  be  followed  on  the  third 
offense  by  expulsion. 

Students'  expenses,  then  as  now,  were  always  pending 
as  paternal  joys  or  burdens,  and  the  bills  of  the  country 
boys  were  settled  irregularly.  Exchange  and  barter 
were  much  out  of  vogue  in  the  larger  towns,  and  the 
farmer  could  not  pay  for  his  son's  tuition  with  the  wheat 
in  his  barn.  In  their  Freshman  year,  Deacon  Hale  tells 

that  "The  Bachelors  all  dressed  in  black  cloth  coats  of  american  Manu 
facture,  covered  with  a  thin,  black  Gown  &  Sqr.  Cap." 


26  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

his  children  that  he  will  send  them  some  money  soon, 
perhaps  by  "Mr.  Sherman,"  when  the  latter  returns  from 
his  circuit,  and  he  inquires  whether  it  would  do  to  let 
their  account  run  until  he  could  go  to  town  himself  in 
May  and  clear  it  up.  In  the  following  year  he  hopes  to 
forward  what  cash  they  need  "when  Sr.  Strong  comes 
to  Coventry" — this  being  "Sir"  Nathan  Strong,  their 
graduate  cousin,  then  connected  with  the  college  in 
another  capacity,  before  he  became  tutor.1  At  vacation 
times  their  own  horses  would  be  driven  down  for  them, 
or  they  could  hire  some  in  New  Haven.  For  the  first 
two  or  three  years,  at  least,  like  most  Connecticut  boys, 
they  probably  wore  homespun  clothes.  Judging  from 
the  localities  they  came  from,  we  should  say  that  the 
majority  of  Hale's  class  wore  them,  Robinson,  for  one, 
as  we  know.  Toward  the  end  of  their  Sophomore  year, 
one  of  the  brothers  was  called  to  Coventry  to  be  fitted 
to  a  suit,  if  he  could  obtain  leave,  and  if  they  hoped  to 
have  new  clothes  for  the  coming  Commencement.  "I 
sopose,"  writes  their  father,  to  be  spared  the  protest  or 
ridicule  with  which  the  suggestion  would  be  received  by 
the  modern  Sophomore — "I  sopose  that  one  measure 
will  do  for  both  of  you."  The  wealthier  student,  we 
are  told,  would  dress  more  fashionably  and  appear  on 
the  Campus  in  "the  finest  coat"  with  "largest  ruffles"; 
and  it  is  probable,  judging  from  a  previous  reference, 
that  before  the  revenue  troubles  set  in,  suits  made  from 
"imported  cloth"  were  a  standing  luxury  the  Seniors 
indulged  in  for  Commencement  display.  The  Hales  and 
their  fellows  may  have  patriotically  denied  themselves 
this  and  followed  the  action  of  their  predecessors  of 

1  William  Robinson,  of  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  classmate  of  Hale,  kept 
an  account  of  his  college  expenses  for  Sophomore,  Junior,  and  Senior 
years,  the  total  amounitng  to  £70.  Life  of  William  Robinson,  by  his 
son,  Edward  Robinson. 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  27 

1769.     In  1773,  homespun  should  have  been  more  fash 
ionable  than  ever. 

That  Hale  made  the  most  of  his  college  course  we 
may  feel  assured,  for  at  the  end  he  stood  among  the 
best  scholars  and  most  popular  men  of  his  class.  During 
the  first  two  years  the  curriculum  required  him  to  face 
some  grinding  study  in  the  three  learned  tongues — Greek, 
Latin,  and  Hebrew — with  logic,  rhetoric,  disputes,  and 
geometry  interspersed;  while  in  the  last  two,  more  clas 
sics,  natural  philosophy,  astronomy,  mathematics,  meta 
physics,  and  ethics  completed  the  sum  of  his  accomplish 
ments.  Saturday  forenoons  were  devoted  to  the  sub 
ject  of  divinity.1  As  to  the  Latin  then  heard  in  the 
classrooms,  it  may  be  interesting  to  note  that  Rev.  Dr. 
Stiles,  later  President  of  Yale,  wrote  in  1768  that  "our 
New  England  Pronunciation  of  Latin  is  according  to  the 
University  of  Cambridge  in  England  &  that  of  Dublin  in 
Ireland  100  years  ago" — the  same  pronunciation  to  con 
tinue  at  Yale  nearly  another  hundred  years  beyond  Dr. 
Stiles'  time,  down  to  President  Porter's  incumbency,  or 
about  1875.  Not  surprising  that  some  students  found 
parts  of  the  routine  irksome,  and  when  Roger  Alden 
afterwards  wrote  to  Hale  from  his  schoolroom  that  he 
dreaded  its  hours  as  much  as  ever  he  did  "the  morning 
prayer  bell  or  Saturday  noon  recitations,"  his  complaint 
was  only  a  distant  intimation  of  changes  to  come.  The 

1  Speaking  of  the  studies  of  the  third  year,  a  student  wrote  in  1767: 
"This  week  we  begin  Martin's  Grammar,  which  we  recite  in  the  morn 
ing,  Tully  at  11  o'clock,  and  the  Greek  Testament  at  5  in  the  afternoon. 
On  Mondays  and  Tuesdays  we  dispute  and  for  Saturdays  study  we  have 
Wollebius's  Compend  of  Divinity  in  Latin  (which  books  the  President 
got  at  Boston  for  the  Junior  Class)." — Dexter's  Yale  Biographies,  etc., 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  264.  Hours  at  Home,  1870,  p.  331. 

In  the  classrooms,  Enoch  Hale  was  known  as  Hale  primus,  and 
Nathan,  Hale  secundus,  a  practice  long  continued  in  some  New  England 
Latin  grammar  schools. 


28  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

prayer  bell  still  rings,  but  not  at  half-past  five  in  the 
morning  in  summer  time  or  half-past  six  in  winter,  and 
divinity  finds  its  special  field  in  the  theological  school. 

Respecting  tests  or  evidences  of  scholarship  at  that 
day,  it  appears  that  the  head  of  the  class  was  not  called 
"valedictorian" — the  distinction  coming  in  at  a  later 
time — but  a  Commencement  appointment  was  a  pretty 
certain  indication.  Hale  will  be  prominent  there.  The 
Berkeley  Scholarship,  a  prize  of  long  standing  at  the 
college,  was  awarded  to  the  student  who  made  the  best 
showing  in  Greek  and  Latin  at  a  competitive  examina 
tion.  The  fund  enabled  him  to  continue  his  studies  as 
a  resident  scholar,  or  "Sir,"  after  graduation.  In  Hale's 
class  the  successful  competitor  was  Ezra  Sampson. 
Whether  the  Hales  took  the  examination  does  not 
appear.  Tallmadge  states  in  his  "Memoir"  that  his  own 
excellent  preparation  in  the  classics  would  have  war 
ranted  the  attempt  on  his  part,  but  the  measles  troubled 
him  in  his  Junior  and  Senior  years  and  his  studying  was 
of  a  light  order.  It  may  have  been  so  with  the 
Hales,  who  had  been  similarly  affected.  But  that  Nathan 
stood  among  the  highest  in  all-around  attainments,  the 
classics  especially,  is  well  known. 

The  modern  critic  of  the  Yale  training  of  that  time 
would  notice  the  comparatively  limited  attention  paid  to 
English  literature  and  the  cultivation  of  style — an 
absence,  as  it  were,  of  the  literary  atmosphere.  Dr. 
Stiles  apparently  acknowledged  this  in  his  reference  to 
the  English  oration  he  heard  at  the  Commencement  exer 
cises  of  1768.  It  was  "a  good  Piece  of  Composition 
even  for  Language  (in  which  however  we  Yalensians 
do  not  pretend  to  Excel)  but  especially  for  a  judicious  & 
learned  Review  of  Literature" — this  literature,  however, 
being  that  of  the  Greeks,  the  Augustan  Age  and  Oriental 
antiquity.  Of  colonial  models  there  were  none,  while 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  29 

the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  century  mother-country 
productions  met  with  little  encouragement.  One  must 
look  far  to  find  mention  of  Shakespeare  in  Hale's  day. 
The  art  of  easy  and  cultivated  essay  and  letter  writing 
was  still  in  its  unfinished  stage,  as  many  of  the  published 
specimens  show.  The  correspondence  in  the  Appendix 
of  this  work  bears  out  the  criticism,  but  it  can  hardly  be 
taken  as  a  fair  example,  for,  with  due  indulgence,  we 
have  to  recall  that  it  is  the  correspondence  of  young 
people,  written  often  in  haste  and  almost  the  whole  of 
it  devoted  to  the  current  news  and  rumors  of  war  times, 
with  youthful  sentiment  interspersed.  Its  value  lies  in 
another  direction — in  the  sidelights  it  throws  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  biography.  Hale's  letters,  generally  plain 
and  sedate,  represent  the  average  work  of  the  better 
trained  college  student  or  good  writer  of  the  period. 
Probably  his  best  specimens  have  not  been  preserved. 
Where  he  writes  with  some  care,  his  punctuation,  or 
"pointing,"  his  infrequent  capitalization  of  common 
words,  and  the  general  appearance  of  his  handwriting 
and  manuscript  bring  his  efforts  noticeably  nearer  to 
the  modern  form. 

With  Tutor  Dwight's  connection  with  the  college  some 
attempt  at  reform  in  this  direction  appears  to  have  been 
made.  Joining  with  other  instructors,  he  exerted  his 
influence  in  raising  the  standard  of  culture,  especially  in 
composition,  criticism,  and  oratory,  and  was  himself  then 
preparing  a  possible  literary  model  in  his  well-known  epic 
poem,  the  "Conquest  of  Canaan."  Hale  and  his  class 
mate,  Tallmadge,  seem  to  have  caught  the  new  spirit, 
for  we  find  them  corresponding  in  their  Junior  or  Senior 
year  and  criticizing  each  other's  effusions.  It  was  a  side 
course  of  their  own.  One  letter  in  the  series — one  of 
Tallmadge's — has  come  to  light,  and  it  may  suffice.  We 
can  imagine  him  in  after  life,  a  correspondent  of  Wash- 


30  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

ington  and  member  of  Congress,  writing  and  speaking 
ably  and  gracefully,  wholly  repudiating  the  ambitious 
efforts  of  his  college  days.  But  we  would  not  be  with 
out  it,  and  can  only  regret  the  disappearance  of  Hale's 
replies.  Writing  from  some  quiet  room — off  the  Campus, 
we  may  infer — he  begins:  "Friendly  Sir,  In  my  delight 
some  retirement  from  the  fruitless  Bustle  of  the  noisy, 
with  my  usual  Delight,  &,  perhaps,  with  more  than  com 
mon  attention,  I  perused  your  Epistle — Replete  as  it  was 
with  sentiments  worthy  to  be  contemplated,  let  me  assure 
you  with  the  strongest  confidence  of  an  affectionate  Friend, 
that  with  nothing  was  my  Pleasure  so  greatly  heightened, 
as  with  your  curious  remarks  upon  my  preceeding  Per 
formance,  which,  so  far  from  carrying  the  appearance  of 
a  censuring  Critick's  empty  amusement,  seemed  to  me  to 
be  wholly  the  result  of  unspoted  regard  &  (as  I  may 
say)  fraternal  Esteem."  The  rest  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix,  but  Tallmadge  goes  on  with  a  laborious  de 
fense  of  some  term  of  friendship  he  had  applied  in  his 
preceding  letter  and  then  tells  Hale  that  his  whole  object 
in  engaging  in  this  friendly  correspondence  was  "to 
obtain  advantage  myself  &  to  be  contributory,  as  much 
as  I  am  able  to  your  improvement."  The  two  friends 
kept  on  writing  to  each  other  after  graduation,  and  once, 
at  least,  Tallmadge  attempted  a  piece  of  rhyme,  to  which 
Hale  replied  in  kind,  as  his  first  offense,  though  not  his 
last.  Whatever  Tallmadge's  muse  inspired  him  to  say, 
Hale  evidently  made  a  neat  turn  upon  him: 

Whene'er  with  friends  I  correspond, 
I  seek  for  food  of  which  they're  fond. 
But  if  my  best's  of  meaner  kind, 
I  strive  to  dress  it  to  their  mind. 
For  this  I  leave  my  wonted  course, 
With  you,  and  seek  for  aid  from  verse. 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  31 

As  a  literary  diversion,  the  students  established  debat 
ing  societies.  Two,  well  known  to  Yale  graduates,  sur 
vived — "Linonia,"  founded  in  1753,  and  "The  Brothers 
in  Unity,"  in  1768.  After  more  than  a  century's  exist 
ence,  both  have  been  dissolved.  Former  alumni,  distin 
guished  at  the  bar,  in  Congress  or  in  the  pulpit,  owed 
something  of  their  rhetorical  training  to  these  societies. 
The  Hales  belonged  to  Linonia  and  took  an  active  inter 
est  in  its  exercises,  Nathan  especially.  In  his  Junior  year, 
1771,  he  became  its  secretary  or  "scribe,"  and  its  book 
of  well-kept  minutes  is  still  preserved  in  the  university 
library.  That  the  members  improved  and  enjoyed  them 
selves  the  entries  fully  bear  out.  Their  proceedings  on 
different  evenings  included  debates,  narrations,  addresses, 
dialogues,  and  a  system  of  mutual  questions  and  answers. 
To  better  their  conversation  and  literary  style,  they  would 
criticize  each  other's  grammar  and  choice  of  words.  On 
one  occasion  they  debated  the  question  whether  it  was 
right  to  enslave  the  African.  Nathan's  name  frequently 
appears  among  the  speakers,  as  on  December  23,  1771, 
when  another  member  had  succeeded  him  as  scribe,  "The 
meeting  was  opened  with  a  very  entertaining  narration  by 
Hale  2d";  or  again,  the  meeting  of  August  5,  1772, 
"closed  with  a  speech  delivered  by  Hale  2d."  It  was 
before  Linonia  that  Hale  delivered  the  address  printed 
in  the  Appendix.  He  was  then  near  the  close  of  his 
third  or  Junior  year,  and  the  occasion  was  the  departure 
of  a  number  of  the  "Sirs,"  for  whom  Sir  Billings  deliv 
ered  the  valedictory.  Hale  replied,  voicing  the  Society's 
regret  and  sorrow.  His  effort  is  full  of  sentiment,  but 
its  expression  and  style  would  hardly  be  followed  by  a 
modern  Junior.  "That  the  gentlemen,"  he  said,  "who 
have  now  taken  their  leave  were  very  much  beloved  by 
us,  our  inward  emotions,  as  well  as  countenances,  do  very 
strongly  testify.  They  have  been  rendered  dear  to  us, 


32  NATHAN  HALE, 

not  only  by  a  long  and  intimate  acquaintance,  but  by 
the  strictest  bonds  of  unity  and  friendship.  ...  As 
our  patrons,  we  have  shared  their  utmost  care  &  vigi 
lance  in  supporting  Linonia's  cause,  &  protecting  her  from 
the  malice  of  her  insulting  foes."  His  reference  here  is 
probably  to  the  newly  formed  rival  society  of  the  "Broth 
ers  in  Unity,"  to  which  some  of  his  friends,  like  Tall- 
madge,  Wyllys,  and  others,  belonged.  "As  our  bene 
factors,"  he  continues,  "we  have  partaken  of  their  liber 
ality,  not  only  in  their  rich  &  valuable  donations  to  our 
library,  but,  what  is  still  more,  their  amiable  company 
and  conversation."  And  again:  "Receive  kind  Sirs  as  a 
very  poor  return  our  sincere  thanks  for  your  numberless 
kindnesses.  Be  assur'd  that  we  shall  be  spirited  in  Lino 
nia's  cause  &  with  steadiness  &  resolution  strive  to  make 
her  shine  with  unparalleled  lustre.  And  although  Plu- 
tonia  should  make  use  of  every  sordid  and  low-lived 
scheme,  to  raise  herself  &  rival  our  fame,  rely  upon  it 
that  we  shall  exert  ourselves  in  the  use  of  all  proper 
means  to  humble  her  pride  &  reduce  her  to  nothing. 
And  you  may  firmly  believe,  we  will  do  our  best  to  render 
ourselves  worthy  our  illustrious  Ancestors  .  .  .  Dear 
Gentlemen  farewell!" 

Appreciative  of  "the  gaities  of  life,"  these  college  boys 
had  their  diversions.  With  no  public  stage  to  patronize, 
they  worked  up  a  mild  form  of  one  for  themselves.  Such 
amusement  they  were  bound  to  have,  and  the  dramatic 
art  came  into  high  favor.  These  embryo  teachers,  min 
isters,  warriors,  and  statesmen  could  at  intervals  forget 
"the  great  Design"  of  learning  and  entertain  themselves 
and  their  friends  in  their  societies  with  such  plays  as  the 
"Conscious  Lovers,"  the  "West  Indian,"  the  "Toy 
Shop,"  and  the  "Beaux'  Stratagem."  In  the  two  latter, 
presented  in  Linonia,  Hale  took  a  part  with  eclat,  while 
in  the  cast  of  the  first  were  included  no  less  a  trio  than 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  33 

"Sirs"  Dwight,  Davenport,  and  Williams.  The  "West 
Indian"  was  announced  as  a  new  comedy  to  be  played  on 
the  occasion  of  Linonia's  twentieth  anniversary,  April 
3,  1773,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Thomas  Atwater.  The 
entertainment  was  a  pronounced  success.  "Both  the 
scenery  and  action,"  says  the  secretary,  "were  on  all 
hands  allowed  to  be  superior  to  anything  of  the  kind 
heretofore  exhibited  on  the  like  occasion.  The  whole 
received  peculiar  beauty  from  the  officers  appearing 
dressed  in  regimentals  and  the  actresses  in  full  and  ele 
gant  suits  of  lady's  apparel.  The  last  scene  was  no 
sooner  closed  than  the  company  testified  their  satisfac 
tion  by  the  clapping  of  hands.  .  .  .  An  epilogue  made 
expressly  on  the  occasion  and  delivered  by  Hale  2d  was 
received  with  approbation."  There  was  also  a  musical 
dialogue  sung  by  two  members  "in  the  characters  of 
Damon  and  Clora."1  Something  of  the  same  sort  was 
presented  on  "Quarter  Days,"  when  examinations  were 
held  and  bills  paid.  These  functions  closed  more  joy 
ously  with  an  exhibition.  Quoting  Dr.  Stiles  again,  he 
tells  us  that  on  one  such  Quarter  occasion,  in  1779,  they 
had  a  dramatic  representation  of  the  invasion  of  the 
Tories  and  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna,  led  by  the  blood 
thirsty  Colonel  Butler.  Student  Pixley,  says  the  worthy 
President,  acted  the  Indian  warrior  "inimitably."2 

1  Ebenezer  Fitch,  class  of   1777,   subsequently  first  President  of  Wil 
liams  College,  has  this  to  say  in  his  diary  about  the  exhibition  plays  in 
his  graduating  year:     "March  17.     At  one  o'clock  walked  in  procession 
to  the  chapel,  and  at  two  began  to  act  the  tragedy  before  the  largest  and 
most  splendid  audience  that  we  ever  before  had  at  anniversary.     After 
the   tragedy  was  concluded,   the   comedy,   called  the   West   Indian,   was 
acted   to  the   great   entertainment  of  the   audience,   and  was   deservedly 
applauded.     I  was  never  more  agreeably  entertained.     Every  character 
was    remarkably   well    sustained.      After   the    exhibition,    the    procession 
returned  as  it  came." 

2  Princeton  students  seem  to  have  had  similar  diversions.     An  early 
instance  is  noticed  when  the  graduating  class  gave  an  entertainment  at 


34  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

And  finally — Commencement  Day.  For  Hale's  class 
this  fell  on  September  3,  1773.  It  was  the  annual  grand 
occasion  both  for  college  and  the  town,  when  dignitaries 
of  the  Colony  and  the  lights  of  its  churches,  together 
with  numerous  citizens,  assembled  in  the  meeting-house 
on  the  New  Haven  green  to  listen  to  the  graduation  exer 
cises.  An  all-day  function,  it  was  continued  as  such  to 
recent  years,  though  losing  its  varied  character.  A 
report  of  it  appears  in  The  Connecticut  Journal  and  New 
Haven  Post  Boy,  now  one  of  the  rarest  of  colonial  news 
papers.  In  the  forenoon  the  salutatory  address  was 
delivered  by  John  Palsgrave  Wyllys,  of  Hartford,  who, 
like  Hale,  early  entered  into  the  Revolutionary  War  and 
after  fourteen  years  of  service  fell  in  action  with  the 
Indians  on  the  western  frontier.  A  "syllogistic  dispu 
tation"  followed,  and  then  came  a  forensic  debate  by 
Messrs.  Beckwith,  Fairchild,  Flint,  and  Mead  on  the 
question,  "Whether  a  large  metropolis  would  be  of  pub 
lic  advantage  to  the  Colony."  Messrs.  Alden,  Keyes, 
and  Marvin — all  three  to  become  Revolutionary  offi 
cers — rendered  a  dialogue  in  English  on  the  three  learned 
professions,  and  Sir  Williams  delivered  an  English  ora 
tion  on  Prejudice.  In  the  afternoon  Sir  Davenport 
resumed  the  exercises  with  an  English  oration  on  the 
state  of  the  private  schools  in  Connecticut.  Another 
syllogistic  dispute — this  one  in  Latin — followed,  and  the 
Commencement  closed  with  what  was  evidently  the  treat 
of  the  day — a  second  forensic  debate  by  Messrs.  Hale, 
Robinson,  Sampson,  and  Tallmadge  on  the  then  perti- 

the  close  of  the  Commencement  exercises  at  Nassau  Hall,  September  29, 
1762.  They  presented  the  "Military  Glory  of  Great-Britain,"  a  drama 
extolling  the  victories  of  the  French  and  Indian  War  and  the  names  of 
Wolfe,  Amherst,  and  others.  "Long  may  George  the  regal  sceptre  sway" 
is  the  key-note.  The  drama  was  printed  by  William  Bradford,  Phila 
delphia. 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  35 

nent  question,  "Whether  the  Education  of  Daughters  be 
not,  without  any  just  reason,  more  neglected  than  that 
of  sons."  Quite  possibly,  as  some  writers  state,  Hale  took 
the  side  of  the  daughters,  with  whom  we  know  him  to 
have  been  a  general  favorite.  We  assume  that  the  day 
closed  with  the  usual  Commencement  dinner.  For  this 
feast  in  1769,  the  steward,  Mr.  Fitch,  was  directed  to 
keep  in  his  hands  £20-12-2. 

As  our  young  graduate  now  goes  out  into  the  world 
after  a  successful  course  in  college,  carrying  with  him  all 
the  honors  and  good  wishes  he  could  desire,  he  is  much 
less  a  stranger  to  us  than  he  would  have  been  without 
this  experience.  We  shall  come  to  know  him  better  dur 
ing  the  next  three  years,  but  here  at  graduation,  at  the 
close  of  a  most  important  formative  period,  we  get  our 
first  and  fixed  impressions.  It  is  the  youth  himself  whom 
we  would  wish  to  see  and  understand.  To  what  has 
already  been  said  we  may  add  the  indirect  light  reflected 
through  his  personal  friendships — the  intimacies  of 
"bright  college  days."  They  meant  much  then,  as  now. 
From  expressions  and  hints  in  letters  he  received,  we 
should  say  that  he  was  counted  as  one  of  their  best 
friends  by  such  men  as.  Alden,  Marvin,  Mead,  Robinson, 
Sampson,  Selden,  Tallmadge,  Williams,  and  Wyllys — • 
all  worth  knowing  in  after  life.  What  Sampson  wrote  to 
Robinson  years  later,  in  1817,  they  doubtless  could  all 
have  written  to  each  other:  "Between  us  two  there  was 
in  our  juvenile  days,  the  closest  intimacy.  .  .  .  Believe 
me,  Dear  Sir,  in  thought  I  am  now  and  then  walking  with 
you  in  the  suburbs  of  old  Yale  just  as  we  used  to  walk 
together."  In  thought  the  modern  student  may  walk 
with  them  and  with  Hale  and  the  rest  over  much  of  the 
same  familiar  ground,  to  the  great  Rocks,  to  the  shores 
and  over  bypaths  into  the  country  and  its  woods.  Five 
letters  in  his  correspondence — two  from  Robinson  and 


36  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

three  from  Tallmadge — written  in  college  or  soon  after 
graduation,  are  alone  worth  much  in  their  avowal  of 
spontaneous,  youthful  good  feeling  and  affection.  Rob 
inson,  while  teaching,  regrets  he  cannot  enjoy  Hale's 
company  with  that  of  "some  other  special  friends,"  and 
later  he  refers  to  their  intimate  acquaintance,  calls  him 
"Dear  Nathan,"  and  again  misses  his  society.  In  his  two 
college  letters,  Tallmadge  signs  himself  "Damon,"  and 
hopes  that  his  correspondence  with  Hale  may  never  end. 
"I  remain  your  constant  friend,"  he  writes, — my  thoughts 
come  from  "a  heart  ever  devoted  to  your  welfare."  The 
same  regard  and  warmth  are  shown  by  others.  "Tell 
yourself  that  no  one  loves  you  more  than  Roger  Alden," 
and  Marvin  to  the  same  effect.  We  prize  nothing  more 
than  Tutor  Dwight's  moving  and  devoted  remembrance 
of  Hale  in  his  "Conquest  of  Canaan,"  so  often  quoted* 
But  before  that  we  now  have  a  letter  of  his,  February  20, 
1776,  hinting  at  his  young  friend's  intellectual  bent  and 
qualities  of  heart.  Dwight  was  preparing  to  publish  his 
epic  and  knew  Hale  well  enough  to  ask  his  kind  assist 
ance  in  mentioning  it  to  his  acquaintances.  "To  a  per 
son  of  Mr.  Hale's  character,"  he  wrote  him,  "motives 
of  friendship  apart,  one's  fondness  for  the  liberal  arts 
would  be  a  sufficient  excuse  for  calling  his  attention  to 
the  work";  and  he  adds,  "I  esteem  myself  happy  in 
reflecting  that  the  person  who  may  confer  this  obligation 
is  a  gentleman,  of  whose  politeness  and  benevolence  I 
have  already  experienced  so  frequent  and  so  undoubted 
assurances."  That  Hale  was  held  in  deserved  esteem  by 
his  fellows  is  further  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  he  was 
one  of  the  chancellors  or  presidents  of  Linonia  from  his 
class.  In  later  years,  and  doubtless  it  was  so  then,  this 
was  regarded  as  among  the  highest  of  college  honors  in 
the  gift  of  the  students.  There  was  confidence  in  his 
abilities,  methods,  and  judgment.  We  have  to  bear  in 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  37 

mind,  also,  that,  in  general,  these  young  men,  as  Pro 
fessor  Dexter  has  noticed,  were  "responsive  to  the 
appeals  of  conscience."  Hale's  nature,  we  must  believe, 
was  strong  in  its  obedience  to  such  appeals,  and  his  col 
lege  associations  had  not  weakened  it.  A  sense  of  duty 
governed  him  to  the  end.  At  the  end,  as  we  know,  he 
was  profoundly  true  to  it. 

Not  long  after  his  death  some  one  of  his  contempo 
raries  in  New  Haven,  an  acquaintance  and  probably 
college  companion,  remembered  him  with  a  eulogy  in 
which,  with  due  allowance  for  the  poetic  feeling  and 
license  in  the  case,  we  doubtless  have  a  more  or  less  faith 
ful  picture  or  impression  of  Hale.  He  is  handed  down  to 
us  by  his  Alma  Mater,  we  may  say,  as  a  most  attractive 
and  superior  fellow,  a  son  of  whose  acquirements  within 
her  walls  she  was  proud,  and  for  whom  an  enviable  future 
might  be  predicted. 

Erect  and  tall,  his  well-proportioned  frame, 

Vigorous  and  active,  as  electric  flame; 

His  manly  limbs  had  symmetry  and  grace, 

And  innate  goodness  marked  his  beauteous  face; 

His  fancy  lively,  and  his  genius  great, 

His  solid  judgment  shone  in  grave  debate; 

For  erudition  far  beyond  his  years; 

At  Yale  distinguished  above  all  his  peers; 

Speak,  ye  who  knew  him  while  a  pupil  there, 

His  numerous  virtues  to  the  world  declare; 

His  blameless  carriage  and  his  modest  air, 

Above  the  vain  parade  and  idle  show 

Which  mark  the  coxcomb  and  the  empty  beau; 

Removed  from  envy,  malice,  pride,  and  strife, 

He  walked  through  goodness  as  he  walked  through  life ; 

A  kinder  brother  nature  never  knew, 

A  child  more  duteous  or  a  friend  more  true.1 

1  The  above  is  an  extract  from  a  long  poem  first  published  in  the 
American  Historical  Magazine  in  1836.  The  author  prefaced  it  with 


38  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Recollections  bear  out  this  description.  Those  who  knew 
him,  and  others  who  gathered  details  and  traditions  as 
early  as  1835,  tell  us  that  he  was  a  noticeably  fine-look 
ing  youth,  nearly  six  feet  in  height,  of  rather  slender  build, 
ruddy  in  complexion,  with  expressive  features,  a  musical 
voice,  and  a  presence  that  was  at  once  natural  and  com 
manding.  Stories  are  told  of  his  athletic  skill.  A  happy 
manner,  generous  disposition,  and  social  aptitude  graced 
the  stronger  side  of  his  character.  He  was  evidently 
mature  for  his  years  and,  though  not  yet  twenty,  was 
about  to  enter  active  life  with  much  of  a  man's  equipment. 
Among  his  New  Haven  friends,  Hale  found  an  appre 
ciative  one  in  Dr.  ^Eneas  Munson,  a  well-known  physi 
cian  of  the  place.  In  1836,  his  son,  also  Dr.  ^Eneas 
Munson,  a  young  surgeon's  mate  in  the  Revolution,  long 
remembered  by  old  residents,  wrote  to  the  magazine 
referred  to  above:  "Nathan  Hale  I  was  acquainted  with 
from  his  frequent  visits  to  my  father's  house,  while 
an  academical  student.  His  own  remarks  and  the 
remarks  of  my  father  left  at  that  period  an  indeli- 

a  letter  written  in  1784,  at  New  Haven,  in  which  he  says  he  was  per 
sonally  acquainted  with  Hale,  entertained  a  high  opinion  of  him,  and 
wrote  the  poem  soon  after  his  death.  His  own  emotions  and  impulse  to 
remember  his  friend  are  expressed  in  these  lines: 

Shall  haughty  Britons  in  heroic  lays, 

And  tuneful  numbers,  chant  their  Andre's  praise; 

And  shall  Columbia — where  blest  freedom  reigns 

With  gentle  sway,  to  bless  her  happy  plains, — 

Where  friendship,  truth,  and  simple  manners  shine, 

And  noblest  Science  lifts  her  head  divine; — 

Shall  she  forget  a  son's — a  patriot's  name, 

A  hero's  glory,  and  a  martyr's  fame? 

And  shall  not  one,  of  all  her  tuneful  choir, 

Whose  bosom  glows  with  true  poetic  fire, 

Attempt  to  sing  that  dear  departed  youth, 

Who  fell  a  victim  in  the  Cause  of  truth? 

Rous'd  by  the  thought,  a  friend  presumes,  thus  late, 

Lov'd  HALE,  thy  life  and  death  to  celebrate. 


HALE  IN  COLLEGE  39 

ble  impression  on  my  mind."  On  one  of  these  occa 
sions,  as  Hale  was  leaving  the  house,  the  elder  Mun- 
son  observed:  "That  man  is  a  diamond  of  the  first 
water,  calculated  to  excel  in  any  station  he  assumes. 
He  is  a  gentleman  and  a  scholar,  and  last,  though 
not  least  of  his  qualifications,  a  Christian."  And  by 
way  of  appeal  to  the  editor,  the  younger  doctor  adds, 
before  any  memorials  to  their  friend  were  erected: 
"Cannot  you  rouse  the  dormant  energies  of  an  ungrate 
ful  republic,  in  the  case  of  Captain  Hale,  to  mark  the 
spot  where  so  much  virtue  and  patriotism  moulder  with 
his  native  dust?" 


Ill 


HALE  AS   SCHOOLMASTER— AT   EAST   HADDAM 
AND  NEW  LONDON— HIS  ENGAGEMENT 

Upon  graduation,  or  in  the  early  fall  of  1773,  Nathan 
visited  his  uncle,  Samuel  Hale,  at  Portsmouth,  New 
Hampshire.  This  was  his  father's  brother,  already 
mentioned,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  College,  who  was 
the  well-known  head  of  the  leading  school  in  that  Colony, 
and  was  addressed  as  "Major,"  on  account  of  his  rank 
and  services  at  Cape  Breton  and  the  Siege  of  Louisburg. 
What  Hale  had  to  say  of  this  trip  and  his  own  affairs 
appears  in  the  interesting  letter  he  afterwards  wrote  to 
his  uncle,  which  is  given  in  full  in  another  connection. 
The  visit  was  long  remembered  by  his  Portsmouth  rela 
tives,  who  frequently  spoke  of  his  pleasing  appearance 
and  accomplishments.  One  of  them,  his  cousin  William 
Hale,  afterwards  member  of  Congress  from  New  Hamp 
shire,  wrote  in  later  life  that  he  perfectly  recollected  the 
anguish  experienced  by  his  father  and  elder  sisters  when 
the  account  of  Nathan's  death  was  received.1 

Returning  to  Connecticut,  Hale  followed  his  uncle's 
lines  and  became  schoolmaster.  This  was  the  usual  step 
before  entering  upon  a  calling.  Professional  depart 
ments  and  labyrinthine  postgraduate  courses,  in  which  the 
"Sirs"  could  continue  their  studies  to  an  advanced  point, 
were  yet  to  be  evolved  as  the  crown  of  the  higher  edu 
cation.  About  the  most  dignified  position  to  which  a 

1  Letter  in  Connecticut  Historical  Society;  printed  in  Stuart,  2d  ed., 
p.  261. 


HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  41 

graduate  teacher  of  that  day  could  aspire  was  a  tutorship 
at  the  college,  and  there  places  were  few,  far  from  lucra 
tive,  and  not  permanent.  The  pedagogue's  desk  was 
generally  looked  upon  then,  as  for  many  generations 
afterwards,  as  a  temporary  makeshift. 

For  the  time  being  there  were  schools  enough  for  the 
newly  fledged  graduates.  In  that  same  year,  1773, 
Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  in  reply  to  inquir 
ies  from  one  of  the  home  government's  Secretaries  of 
State,  reported  that  the  Colony  taxes  amounted  annually 
to  about  six  thousand  pounds,  "somewhat  more  than 
one  third  part"  of  which — a  good  proportion — was 
raised  by  the  several  towns  for  the  support  of  their 
schools.  The  old  laws  on  the  books  required  every  town 
or  ecclesiastical  society  with  seventy  families  to  maintain 
a  good,  centrally  located  schoolhouse  and  a  schoolmaster 
for  "Teaching  and  instructing  youth  in  Reading  writing 
and  arithmatic  at  least  eleven  months  in  each  year,"  or 
six  months  where  the  societies  were  smaller.  These 
were  the  public  parish  or  "district"  schools,  managed 
through  the  machinery  of  the  churches  and  town  com 
mittees,  and  which  children  of  all  ages  could  attend. 
Another  type,  also  provided  for  by  an  early  law,  was 
the  higher  or  "grammar  school,"  which  each  of  the  four 
county  towns  of  Hartford,  New  Haven,  New  London, 
and  Fairfield  was  required  to  keep  up — the  designation 
"grammar"  having  come  down  through  the  colonists 
from  the  long-established  schools  of  the  same  name  in 
old  England,  supported  there  by  the  guilds  or  by  private 
funds  and  bequests  or  royal  patronage  or,  in  some 
instances,  by  town  and  municipal  rates.  It  was  the 
teaching  of  grammar,  whether  Latin  or  English,  as  an 
advanced  study,  and  the  preparation  offered  in  some 
of  them  for  college  entrance,  that  gave  these  schools 


42  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

their  distinguishing  name,  which  in  our  case  was  long 
continued  in  about  the  same  sense  by  the  Latin  schools 
of  Boston  and  other  places,  and  clings  to-day  to  the 
quite  old  "Hopkins  Grammar  School"  at  New  Haven. 
Still  another  type  of  the  later  colonial  period  was  the 
private  school  or  academy  then  gradually  coming  into 
favor.  In  one  of  these,  opened  by  Daniel  Humphrey,  in 
Connecticut,  in  1776,  emphasis  was  to  be  laid  on  the 
English  classics  and  the  pupils  trained  "to  write  their 
mother  tongue  with  Eloquence."  A  similar  school  on 
Long  Island  offered  its  boarders  the  advantage  of  being 
taught  geography  in  the  winter  evenings  "with  many 
other  useful  particulars  that  frequently  occur  to  the 
teacher." 

Hale  and  some  of  his  classmates  were  not  longf  in 
finding  situations.  For  himself  he  accepted  one  at  East 
Haddam,  on  the  Connecticut  River,  sixteen  miles  from 
its  mouth.  His  brother  Enoch  settled  down  near  Wind 
sor,  east  of  the  river;  Robinson,  close  by,  at  Windsor; 
Alden  and  Samuel  Dwight,  at  New  Haven;  Marvin,  at 
Norwich.  Tallmadge  had  already,  shortly  before  grad 
uation,  succeeded  David  Humphreys,  of  the  class  of 
1771  and  subsequently  aid  to  Washington,  as  head  of 
the  private  academy  or  "High  School,"  at  Wethersfield. 
Hale's  school — a  comparatively  small  one — was  the  prin 
cipal  "district"  school  in  the  town,  with  the  schoolhouse 
near  the  present  "Landing"  and  the  eastern  terminal  of 
the  new  bridge.  The  house  has  passed  into  the  hands 
of  a  patriotic  society  and  been  moved  to  a  sightly  spot 
on  the  river  bank  above.  East  Haddam  was  also  known 
by  the  contracted  Indian  name  of  Moodus,  which  now 
attaches  to  the  growing  village  north  of  it.  Hale  calls 
it  "East  Haddam  (alias  Modus)."  His  term  here  being 
a  comparatively  short  one  of  four  or  five  months,  dating 


HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  43 

from  October  or  November,  1773,  to  the  middle  of 
March,  1774,  we  know  little  of  this,  his  first  experience. 
His  pupils  were  of  the  same  grades  as  elsewhere,  from 
primary  children  to  young  persons  of  nearly  his  own  age, 
and  all  learning  or  improving  upon  "the  three  R's"  and 
other  subjects  in  which  the  teacher  might  choose  to  inter 
est  them.  Within  the  schoolroom  it  was  not  an  uncom 
mon  arrangement  to  have  the  scholars  seated  on  long 
benches  fronting  flat  desks  fastened  in  the  walls.  School 
books  were  rarities  then,  Dilworth's  or  some  other 
author's  spelling  lessons,  an  arithmetic  and  the  Psalter 
being  about  the  only  ones  in  general  use  in  the  country 
districts.  Blackboards  and  globes  were  almost  unknown. 
Noah  Webster  tells  us  that  before  the  Revolution  all 
writing  exercises  and  operations  in  arithmetic  were 
worked  out  on  paper.  The  teacher  wrote  the  "copies" 
and,  where  there  were  no  books  in  hand,  read  off  the 
"sums."  Frequently  the  entire  school  studied  aloud; 
and  thus,  with  other  primitive  methods  and  simple  exer 
cises,  the  early  required  education  was  instilled.  East 
Haddam's  families,  we  must  believe,  sent  some  preco 
cious  children  to  Hale,  but  it  would  have  been  hard  to  find 
the  equal  of  Alvan  Peake,  the  young  prodigy  among  the 
sixty  pupils  in  the  school  of  the  first  society  at  Wood 
stock,  Connecticut,  who,  we  are  told  in  one  of  the  public 
prints,  "did  every  sum  in  Fenning's  Arithmetic,  from 
Reduction,  to  the  end,  before  he  was  twelve  Years  of 
Age;  and  said  the  Primer  through,  from  the  Beginning 
to  the  End,  and  never  mist  a  Word."  This  was  pub 
lished,  inclusive  of  the  teacher's  spelling,  "for  the  encour 
agement  of  children  and  youth  in  Learning."  Hale  may 
have  had  no  youngster  like  Alvan,  but  more  than  one  of 
his  boys  is  doubtless  pictured  to  the  life  in  Trumbull's 
"Progress  of  Dulness" : 


44  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

There's  not  a  lad  in  town  so  bright, 
He'll  cipher  bravely,  write  and  read, 
And  say  his  catechism  and  creed, 
And  scorns  to  hesitate  or  falter 
In  Primer,  Spelling-book  or  Psalter. 

We  may  be  confident,  however,  that  in  his  humorous 
description  of  the  average  district  pedagogue,  Trumbull 
could  not  have  had  anyone  in  mind  with  Hale's  training 
and  qualifications: 

He  tries,  with  ease  and  unconcern, 
To  teach  what  ne'er  himself  could  learn, 
Gives  law  and  punishment  alone, 
Judge,  jury,  bailiff,  all  in  one, 
Holds  all  good  learning  must  depend 
Upon  the  rod's  extremest  end.1 

Although  East  Haddam  was  a  town  with  agricultural 
and  shipping  interests  and  good  society,  Hale  seems  to 
have  found  it  an  isolated  place,  and  this  may  account  in 
part  for  his  brief  stay  there.  Missing  old  friends,  he 
was,  nevertheless,  certain  to  make  new  ones;  and  he 
could  say  no  more  of  his  agreeable  situation  at  New 
London  afterwards  than  that  it  was  "somewhat  prefer 
able"  to  that  at  East  Haddam.  Mail  facilities  were 
irregular  in  winter,  and  his  acquaintances  appear  to  have 
heard  from  him  but  seldom.  His  classmate  Robinson 
runs  him  pleasantly  on  his  disappearance  thus:  "I  am 
at  a  loss  to  determine  whether  you  are  yet  in  this  land 
of  the  living,  or  removed  to  some  far  distant  and  to  us 
unknown  region;  but  this  much  I  am  certain  of,  that  if  you 

1  Trumbull's  description  applied  to  many  of  the  district  schoolmas 
ters — poor  pay  accounting  for  their  mediocrity.  In  some  towns,  Coventry 
included  at  one  time,  parents  sent  their  children  to  school  intermittently, 
which  led  persons  interested  in  the  Colony's  educational  system  to  peti 
tion  the  Assembly  in  May,  1774,  to  investigate  and  reform  matters. 
Hale  was  then  teaching  at  New  London. 


HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  45 

departed  this  life  at  Modus,  you  stood  but  a  narrow 
chance  for  gaining  a  better."  Stuart  gives  the  recollec 
tion  of  one  old  lady  who  went  to  Hale's  school  in  this 
river  town.  "Everybody  loved  him,"  she  said;  "he  was 
so  sprightly,  intelligent  and  kind,  and  withal  so  hand 
some."1 

Hale  had  not  been  teaching  many  weeks  at  East  Had- 
dam  before  he  sought  or  was  invited  to  a  more  promising 
post.  "I  love  my  employment,"  he  was  to  write  a  year 
later;  and  if  a  strong  liking  for  it  had  already  developed, 
with  an  intuitive  sense  that  he  was  born  to  the  work,  a 
field  with  larger  prospects  would  be  his  ambition.  Early 
in  December  we  find  him  corresponding  with  Mr.  Tim 
othy  Green,  of  New  London,  one  of  the  proprietors  of 
the  "Union  School"  at  that  place,  respecting  his  engage 
ment  as  master  for  the  spring  term  of  the  following  year. 
Hearing  of  this  opportunity,  Hale  evidently  interested 
his  old  pastor,  Rev.  Mr.  Huntington,  in  his  application, 
and  secured  from  him  the  necessary  letter  of  recom 
mendation,  on  the  receipt  of  which  Mr.  Green  wrote  to 
him,  December  21:  "I  have  shewed  Mr.  Huntington's 
Letter  and  sample  of  your  writing  enclosed  in  it  to  sev 
eral  of  the  Proprietors  of  the  School  in  this  Town,  who 
have  desired  me  to  inform  you  that  there  is  a  Probability 
of  their  agreeing  with  you  to  keep  the  School;  and  for 
that  Reason  desire  that  you  would  not  engage  your  self 
elsewhere  till  you  hear  further  from  them."2 

1  While  at  East  Haddam  Hale  appears  to  have  lived  in  the  family 
of  Mr.  James   Green,  whose  house  was  known  as  the   "Smith's  Arms." 
Several  of  the  children  were  Hale's  pupils.    Mr.  Green  was  subsequently 
a    Captain   of    Connecticut   Dragoons   and   served   at   White   Plains   and 
Saratoga.    The  author  is  indebted  to  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Greene,  of  New 
York,  for  the  information.     He  adds:  "I  have  the  only  chair  in  existence 
that  Hale   is  known   to   have   sat  upon;    it  was   in   the   sitting   room  of 
Captain  James  Green's  house." 

2  The   letter  from  Mr.   Huntington,  here   referred   to,   we   miss   from 
the  Hale  correspondence.     It  would  have  told  us  something  worth  having 


46  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

The  sample  of  handwriting  referred  to  was  the  sine 
qua  non  and  passport  to  position  required  of  the  young 
schoolmasters  of  the  period,  and  in  the  nature  of  the 
case  was  usually  superior  to  their  ordinary  chirography. 
The  few  letters  we  have  from  Hale  compare  very  fav 
orably  in  appearance  with  those  of  his  correspondents, 
and  that  he  could  set  a  "copy"  which  his  pupils  would  be 
proud  to  equal  may  be  seen  in  his  call  for  a  school  meet 
ing,  February  22,  1775,  and  especially  in  the  signature 
of  his  letter  to  his  classmate  Mead — amusingly  affected, 
no  doubt — which  still  stands  at  the  bottom  of  the  page 
with  the  precise  regularity  and  shading  of  an  engraved 
hand.  This  accomplishment  helped  to  tell  in  Hale's 
favor,  though  he  was  not  to  have  the  school  immediately. 
The  proprietors,  needing  a  teacher  at  once,  employed 
Phineas  Tracy,  of  Norwich,  for  three  months,  at  the 

about   the    young   man    the   good    pastor   helped    to    educate — what   was 
thought  of  him,  for  one  thing,  at  the  close  of  his  college  career. 

How  an  application  to  teach  was  regarded  by  responsible  persons 
at  that  period  may  be  seen  in  the  following  letter  from  President  Stiles 
(in  the  author's  possession)  in  reply  to  a  note  from  General  Greene,  who 
was  interested  in  a  school  at  Coventry,  Rhode  Island: 

Yale  College  Apr.  24  1784. 
Dear  Sir 

Ever  since  I  received  your  Letter  I  have  taken  much  pains 
to  procure  a  Preceptor  suitable  for  your  School  at  Coventry, 
but  without  Success.  I  might  send  you  a  choice  of  indifferent 
characters;  but  of  this  I  should  be  ashamed:  And  the  offers 
of  Coventry  do  not  induce  the  young  Gentlemen  this  way, 
of  a  merit  equal  to  your  Wishes.  You  have  been  happy  in 
the  ingenious  Mr.  Rogers:  I  wish  you  to  obtain  one  to 
succeed  him  who  may  keep  up  the  Reputation  to  which  he 
hath  advanced  that  school. 

Your  kinsman  the  Governors  Son  with  us  is  in  Health  & 
is  an  Honor  to  the  College.  Mrs.  Stiles  unites  me  in 
Respects  to  yourself  and  Lady.  I  am  Dr  Sir 

Your  most  obed*  Serv* 

Ezra   Stiles 
Gen   Greene 


HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  47 

same  time  holding  out  encouragement  to  our  East  Had- 
dam  candidate,  who,  at  Mr.  Green's  suggestion,  had 
ridden  over  to  New  London  and  seen  him  personally  in 
the  matter.  On  February  4,  Mr.  Green  again  requested 
him  to  wait,  this  time  for  "one  week  more,"  before 
accepting  any  other  place;  and  on  the  loth  he  formally 
notified  him  of  his  engagement  for  one  quarter,  at  the 
rate  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  per  annum. 

The  Union  School  at  New  London,  of  which  Hale  now 
took  charge,  "about  the  middle  of  March,"  1774,  when 
Tracy's  term  closed,  was  a  private  enterprise  started 
some  years  before,  but  not  yet  incorporated.  The  school 
may  have  been  modeled  upon  the  older  and  quite  famous 
academy  at  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  which  Master  Nathan 
Tisdale,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  College,  had  been  long 
and  successfully  conducting.  The  proprietors  of  the 
latter  included  twelve  well-to-do  residents  of  the  town, 
with  Governor  Trumbull  as  one  of  their  number,  who 
wished  to  give  their  own  children,  and  such  others  as 
might  join  them,  the  advantages  of  a  select  and  superior 
schooling.  In  their  agreement  we  read  that  "A  Latin 
scholar  is  to  be  computed  at  355.,  old  tenor,  for  each 
quarter,  and  a  reading  scholar  at  305.  for  each  quarter — 
each  one  to  pay  according  to  the  number  of  children  that 
he  sends,  and  the  learning  they  are  improved  upon, 
whether  the  learned  tongues,  reading  and  history,  or 
reading  and  English  only."  Master  Tisdale's  school  was 
liberally  patronized,  but  in  one  respect  it  would  not  have 
appealed  to  the  modern  youth.  The  artist  Trumbull, 
who  attended  it,  tells  us  that  it  offered  no  vacations,  "in 
the  long  idleness  and  dissipations  of  which  the  labors  of 
preceding  months  might  be  half  forgotten." 

The  New  London  School  closed  its  doors  in  1833, 
after  an  apparently  successful  course  of  sixty  or  seventy 
years,  and  after  it  is  said  to  have  become  something  of 


48  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

a  rival  of  the  much  older  public  or  "Free  Grammar 
School"  of  New  London,  one  of  the  four  already  referred 
to,  dating  back  to  about  1700.  That  was  the  higher 
school  of  the  town,  conducted  by  John  Owen,  another 
graduate,  who  reigned  supreme  on  the  "throne"  of  his 
classroom  over  his  one  hundred  pupils — the  average 
attendance — for  nearly  forty  years.1  With  "Master" 
Owen  and  "Master"  Hale  teaching  and  disciplining  the 
young  people  of  New  London,  the  town  may  have 
regarded  itself  as  open  to  congratulation. 

Here  was  an  opportunity  for  a  young  schoolmaster 
to  set  a  new  enterprise  more  firmly  on  its  feet,  and  Hale 
succeeded.  In  their  petition  for  incorporation,  the  pro 
prietors  of  the  Union  Academy  state  that  they  "have 
at  great  cost  erected  a  school-house  for  the  advancement 
of  learning,"  and  hired  and  paid  teachers,  and  they  were 
anxious  to  get  the  right  man  for  master  and  retain  him. 
Not  six  months  had  elapsed  before  they  were  offering 
Hale  increased  wages  and  a  permanent  position.  The 
school  was  incorporated  on  October  4,  1774,  and  it  is 
through  Hale's  call  for  a  later  meeting  of  its  proprietors, 
printed  among  his  letters,  that  we  have,  for  the  first 
time,  a  complete  list  of  their  names.2  There  were  twenty- 
four  in  all,  representing  the  wealth  and  intelligence  of 
New  London — the  Saltonstalls,  Winthrops,  Laws,  Mum- 
fords,  Coits,  Shaws,  Richards,  Greens,  and  others  locally 
well  known.  Their  children  probably  formed  the  body 
of  the  school,  and  Hale  found  his  time  fully  occupied  in 
their  instruction.  We  know  something  about  it  from 

1  Records  and  Papers  of  the  New  London  County  Historical  Society, 
Vol.  II,  pp.  115-144. 

2  In    the    original    petition,    October    1,    1774,    the    names    of    thirteen 
memorialists  appear  with  "others."     Hale  fills  out  the  list. — College  and 
Schools,  Vol.  I,  p.  35.    Archives  Connecticut  State  Library. 


HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  49 

his  own  pen.     On  September  24,  1774,  he  wrote  to  his 
uncle  at  Portsmouth: 

NEW  LONDON,  CONN.  Sep*  24th,  1774 

Respected  Uncle: 

My  visit  to  Portsmouth  last  fall  served  only  to 
increase  the  nearness  of  your  family  and  make  [me]  the 
more  desirous  of  seeing  them  again.  But  this  is  a  happi 
ness  which  at  present  I  have  but  little  prospect  of  enjoy 
ing.  The  most  I  now  hope  for  is  that  I  may  now  and 
then  have  the  satisfaction  to  hear  from  my  Uncle  and 
Cousins  by  letter. 

I  can  tell  you  but  little  of  my  father  or  his  family, 
being  situated  about  30  miles  from  them.  I  have  not 
visited  them  for  near  three  months,  but  have  heard  from 
them  somewhat  indirectly  within  a  few  days.  I  under 
stand  they  are  well.  My  eldest  sister  (Elizabeth)  was 
married  last  winter  (as  you  have  doubtless  heard)  to 
Sam1  Rose,  son  of  Doctr  Rose,  and  has,  as  I  suppose,  a 
prospect  of  a  very  comfortable  living.  As  to  any  further 
particulars  of  my  Father  or  his  Family,  I  can  mention 
nothing.  My  own  employment  is  at  present  the  same 
that  you  spent  your  days  in.  I  have  a  school  of  32  boys, 
about  half  Latin,  the  rest  English.  The  salary  allowed 
me  is  70£  per  annum.  In  addition  to  this,  I  have  kept 
during  the  summer,  a  morning  school,  between  the 
hours  of  five  and  seven,  of  about  20  young  ladies;  for 
which  I  have  received  6s.  a  scholar  by  the  quarter.  The 
people  with  whom  I  live  are  free  and  generous,  many  of 
them  gentlemen  of  sense  and  merit.  They  are  desirous 
that  I  would  continue  and  settle  in  the  school;  and  pro 
pose  a  considerable  increase  of  wages.  I  am  much  at  a 
loss  whether  to  accept  their  proposals.  Your  advice  in 
the  matter  coming  from  an  Uncle,  and  from  a  man  who 
has  spent  his  life  in  the  business,  would,  I  think,  be  the 
best  I  could  possibly  receive.  A  few  lines  on  this  sub 
ject,  and  also  to  acquaint  me  with  the  welfare  of  your 


50  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

family,  if  your  leisure  will  permit,  will  be  much  to  the 
satisfaction  of 

Your  most  dutiful  Nephew, 

NATHAN  HALE. 

P.  S. — Please  to  present  my  duty  to  my  Aunt,  and  my 
fondest  regards  to  all  my  cousins.  If  no  other  oppor 
tunity  of  writing  presents,  please  to  improve  that  of 
the  Post.— [Addressed  "To  Majr  Samuel  Hale  at 
Portsmouth."]1 

To  his  classmate  Mead,  then  studying  theology  at 
New  Haven,  Hale  gives  a  few  of  the  same  facts,  and  to 
Dr.  Munson,  at  the  same  place,  he  wrote  two  months 
later:  "I  am  happily  situated  here.  I  love  my  employ 
ment;  find  many  friends  among  strangers;  have  time  for 
scientific  study,  and  seem  to  fill  the  place  assigned  me 
with  satisfaction."  What  Hale  meant  by  scientific  study 
was  general  reading,  a  sort  of  culture  course  apart  from 
theology  or  law,  and  in  pursuing  it  he  seems  to  have  had 
a  small  library  of  his  own  to  draw  upon.  Such  works 
as  Pope's  "Iliad"  and  the  "History  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War,"  in  five  volumes,  were  to  be  sent  him,  his  brother 
Enoch  writes,  from  "among  the  books"  at  his  home. 

Hale's  occupation  was  clearly  congenial  to  him,  as  it 
seems  not  to  have  been  to  his  classmate  Alden,  who  dis 
liked  being  confined  to  particular  hours,  or  have  his 
morning  reading  interrupted  by  the  discovery  that  it  was 
"just  fifty-nine  minutes  after  eight  o'clock."  The  philo 
sophical  Robinson  found  that  teaching  deprived  him  of 
the  pleasure  of  many  agreeable  rides  he  had  counted  on 
taking  about  the  country,  and,  as  he  writes  to  Hale,  pre 
vented  him  from  enjoying  "the  company  of  yourself  with 
some  other  special  friends."  Marvin,  who  certainly 

1  From  the  original  MS.  in  possession  of  Mr.  Grenville  Kane, 
Tuxedo,  New  York.  Here  printed  complete.  Stuart  gives  the  body  of 
the  letter. 


HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  51 

found  entertainment  enough  on  "Quarter  Day"  of  his 
school,  April  8,  1774,  wrote  later  that  with  him  "teach 
ing,  scolding  and  floging,  is  the  continual  round.  .  .  . 
In  short,  I  have  come  to  be  one  of  your  fretting,  teasing 
pedagogues,"  but  the  war  had  opened  and  his  thoughts 
were  turning  to  the  cause  and  the  field.  Tallmadge,  at 
Wethersfield,  seems  to  have  had  one  of  the  choice  posi 
tions.  "Perhaps,  in  no  Place,"  he  writes,  "is  there  more 
distinction  with  regard  to  Company.  The  Pedagogues 
of  this  place,  have  the  Honour  to  be  admitted  into  the 
Number  of  those  who  are  of  the  first  Rank.  In  such 
Company  we  have  not  only  the  advantages  of  friendly 
Intercourse,  Jollity,  &  Mirth;  but  it  may  also  be  rendered 
very  useful  and  instructive."  In  addition,  as  his  pupils 
varied  from  seventy  to  ninety  in  number,  he  was  to  have 
"a  colleague  of  the  fair  sex." 

Of  the  impression  Hale  made  as  a  teacher  some  recol 
lections  remain.  A  few  of  his  old  pupils  were  living  in 
1840  or  later.  His  tact  and  amiability,  his  control  over 
boys,  without  severity  of  manner,  and  his  universal  popu 
larity  could  be  recalled,  says  Stuart,  by  the  venerable 
Samuel  Green,  of  Hartford.  Among  the  elderly  people 
at  New  London,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Poole  tells  us  that  she 
was  "an  inmate  of  the  same  family  with  the  deeply 
lamented  Capt.  Hale"  while  he  taught  school.  Her 
impressions,  written  out,  by  request,  in  1837,  appear  to 
have  been  the  basis  of  the  happy  pen  picture  of  Hale 
drawn  by  Mr.  J.  S.  Babcock  in  a  pamphlet  published  in 
1844,  In  her  brief  contribution,  Mrs.  Poole  says  of 
him:  "His  capacity  as  a  teacher,  and  the  mildness  of  his 
mode  of  instruction,  was  highly  appreciated  by  parents 
&  pupils;  his  appearance  manners  &  temper  secured  the 
purest  affection  of  those  to  whom  he  was  known.  As  a 
companion  in  the  social,  particularly  in  the  domestic 
circle,  his  simple,  unostentatious  manner  of  imparting 


$2  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

right  views  &  feelings  to  less  cultivated  understandings 
was  unsurpassed  by  any  individual  who  then  or  since  has 
fallen  under  my  observation.  He  was  peculiarly  free 
from  the  shadow  of  guile!  his  remarkably  expressive 
features  were  an  index  of  the  mind  and  heart  that  every 
new  emotion  lighted  with  a  brilliancy  perceptable  to  even 
common  observers."  In  the  few  lines  that  follow  she 
speaks  of  his  frank  and  open  mind  and  a  soul  that  would 
disdain  deception  and  disguise  even  where  personal  safety 
might  be  at  stake.  Serious-minded  herself,  the  venerable 
lady  seems  to  have  recalled  only  his  serious  side.1  Miss 
Caulkins,  who  gathered  local  recollections  about  1850, 
says  in  her  "History  of  New  London" :  "Those  who 
knew  Captain  Hale  have  described  him  as  a  man  of  many 
agreeable  qualities:  frank  and  independent  in  his  bearing; 
social,  animated,  ardent;  a  lover  of  the  society  of  ladies, 
and  a  favorite  among  them.  Many  a  fair  cheek  was  wet 
with  bitter  tears,  and  gentle  voices  uttered  deep  execra 
tions  on  his  barbarous  foes,  when  tidings  of  his  untimely 
fate  were  received.  As  a  teacher  Captain  Hale  is  said 
to  have  been  a  firm  disciplinarian,  but  happy  in  his  mode 
of  conveying  instruction,  and  highly  respected  by  his 
pupils.  The  parting  scene  made  a  strong  impression  on 
their  minds.  He  addressed  them  in  a  style  almost  par 
ental;  gave  them  earnest  counsel,  prayed  with  them,  and 
shaking  each  by  the  hand,  bade  them  individually  fare 
well."  A  letter  from  one  of  his  young  boys,  Robert 

1  Mr.  W.  W.  Saltonstall,  of  New  London,  wrote  March  1,  1837,  to 
Mr.  Cyrus  P.  Bradley  at  Hanover,  New  Hampshire,  who  was  collecting 
Hale  material:  "The  above  is  a  communication  from  my  aged  friend 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  Pool  which  I  believe  expresses  the  opinions  entertained 
here  of  Capt.  Hale's  character  by  all  those  who  knew  him,  but  whose 
advanced  age  and  infirmities  prevent  their  attesting  so  clearly  his 
worth." — From  MSS.  in  Connecticut  Historical  Society. 

The  form  of  one  of  Hale's  School  bills — tuition  of  Winthrop  Salton- 
stall's  son — is  given  in  the  Appendix,  p.  191. 


HALE  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  53 

Latimer,  written  to  Hale  while  he  was  in  camp,  has  been 
preserved:  "I  think  myself  under  the  greatest  obliga 
tions  to  you  for  your  care  and  kindness  to  me  .  .  . 
Though  I  have  been  so  happy  as  to  be  favored  with  your 
instructions,  you  can't,  Sir,  expect  a  finished  letter  from 
one  who  has  as  yet  practised  but  very  little  this  way, 
especially  with  persons  of  your  nice  discernment";  and 
he  adds  with  the  unconscious  humor  of  his  years,  "I  am 
sure,  was  my  Mammy  willing,  I  think  I  should  prefer 
being  with  you  to  all  the  pleasures  which  the  company  of 
my  relations  can  afford  me." 

At  New  London,  Hale  made  many  good  friends.  The 
families  of  the  school  proprietors  alone  would  form  a 
large  and  agreeable  circle.  With  one  of  them,  Mr. 
Richards,  he  appears  to  have  made  his  home.1  In  Gil 
bert  Saltonstall,  a  young  graduate  of  Harvard,  son  of 
Colonel  Gurdon  Saltonstall,  one  of  the  more  prominent 
residents  of  the  place,  he  found  a  kindred  spirit.  In 
addition  to  the  social  circles  in  which  he  would  naturally 
move,  Hale  met  a  new  element  here,  which  was  to  prove 
important  to  him  when  the  war  broke  out.  New  London 
was  a  port  of  entry,  and  among  its  residents  were  ship 
builders,  shipmasters,  importers,  and  whalers,  some  of 
them  rough-and-ready  men,  full  of  adventure,  and  not 
a  few  of  whom,  including  four  or  five  of  the  proprietors 

1  In  his  letter  to  Hale,  July  4,  1775,  Tallmadge,  at  Wethersfield, 
states  that  he  was  informed  "by  your  good  Landlord"  of  Kale's 
appointment  in  the  army.  The  letter  was  sent  to  Hale  "per  Mr.  Rich 
ards,"  returning  to  New  London,  who  apparently  was  the  person  who 
gave  the  information.  When  Hale  was  at  home  "on  leave"  from  camp  in 
January,  1776,  he  went  down  to  New  London  and  settled  a  few  accounts 
with  Mr.  Richards.  Among  other  items  he  received  from  him  some 
tuition  money  due  Hale  from  one  of  his  scholars  and  deposited  with 
Richards.  The  two  references  together  point  to  the  latter  as  Hale's 
"good  landlord."  We  infer  that  this  was  John  Richards  and  not 
"Captain"  G.  Richards. 


S4  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

referred  to,  were  to  do  good  service  during  the  Revolu 
tion  as  owners  and  captains  of  privateers.  A  few  were 
to  become  officers  or  soldiers  under  him,  and  some  of 
their  letters  show  that  they  were  as  appreciative  of  his 
open  character  and  talents  as  he  was  responsive  to  their 
own  rugged  and  honest  natures.  His  experience  in  this 
town  must  have  been  valuable  to  him  in  more  ways  than 
one.  It  broadened  his  range  of  observation  and  matured 
capacities  in  which  others  would  be  called  upon  to  confide. 
His  last  schoolhouse  still  stands  as  a  memorial  of  his 
happy  associations  with  the  place.  Like  the  one  at  East 
Haddam,  it  has  been  restored,  removed  to  a  new  site, 
and  intrusted  to  the  care  of  a  patriotic  society,  to  be  used 
as  a  library  and  depository  of  colonial  and  Revolutionary 
relics. 

Hale  reengaged  to  remain  where  he  was  until  the  mid 
dle  of  July,  1775.  His  subsequent  course  would  be  deter 
mined  by  circumstances.  He  might  continue  with  the 
Union  Academy  and  succeed  to  Tisdale's  or  his  own 
uncle's  reputation  as  a  notable  New  England  school 
master;  or,  like  Nathan  Strong,  Timothy  Dwight,  and 
his  classmate  William  Robinson,  he  might  be  invited  to 
become  a  tutor  at  Yale  and  under  its  influences  conclude 
to  enter  the  ministry.  The  tradition  has  been  noticed 
that  this  was  his  mother's  hope  and  wish.  Two  of 
Nathan's  brothers,  Enoch  and  David,  became  preachers, 
and  developed  a  natural  fitness  for  their  profession,  the 
former  filling  out  a  pastorate  of  more  than  fifty  years 
at  Westhampton,  Massachusetts.  Professor  Dexter  says 
of  him,  that  "no  finer  example  can  be  found  of  the  genuine 
parish  minister  of  what  was  long  the  established  church 
of  Massachusetts  .  .  .  Besides  his  services  as  pastor, 
in  which  he  was  eminently  faithful,  he  gave  much  atten 
tion  to  the  educational  interests  of  the  community,  and 
himself  for  many  years  fitted  pupils  for  college.  He  par- 


H ALE'S  ENGAGEMENT  55 

ticipated  in  all  the  public  interests,  being,  for  instance, 
the  representative  of  the  town  in  the  State  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1820.  Though  not  possessed  of  brilliant 
talents,  he  was  remarkable  for  thorough  conscientious 
ness,  and  for  orderliness,  punctuality,  and  exactness  in 
all  the  habits  of  daily  life,  and  his  influence  on  the  com 
munity  was  strong  and  lasting,  remaining  as  a  sacred 
memory  even  to  this  generation."1  David  Hale,  who 
graduated  in  1785,  continued  in  the  ministry  not  more 
than  twelve  or  fourteen  years,  his  constitution  obliging 
him,  as  stated,  to  return  to  the  paternal  farm  in 
Coventry.  He  was  remembered  for  his  virtues  and 
kindly  disposition,  and,  like  Nathan,  as  an  excellent  and 
popular  teacher.  We  are  finding  in  Hale's  brief  course 
that  many  of  his  brothers'  stronger  and  more  attractive 
qualities  were  innately  his,  and  had  he  lived  and  joined 
them  in  the  same  field  of  work,  success  and  distinction 
could  have  been  anticipated  for  him. 

In  this  matter  of  future  occupation,  Hale's  school 
master  experience  appears  to  have  left  him  in  doubt,  for 
in  September,  1774,  we  find  him  seeking  his  uncle's  advice 
regarding  his  acceptance  of  a  permanent  position  as 
teacher;  and  as  late  as  July,  1775,  when  he  resigned  his 
New  London  desk,  he  told  the  proprietors  that  he  had 
grown  fond  of  his  work  and  had  thought  of  devoting  his 
life  to  it.  Events  decided  his  course  for  him. 

In  closing  with  this  period  when  Hale  is  just  entering 
his  twenty-first  year,  we  may  notice  a  bit  of  romance 
associated  with  his  college  and  later  days  that  has  gath 
ered  into  a  chapter  of  courtship  and  engagement.  It  is 
the  old  story  in  one  of  its  familiar  phases — the  story  of  a 
love  interrupted  and  then  renewed.  We  know  that  the 
handsome  and  affable  youth  made  an  impression  in  the 

1  Yale  Biographies,  etc.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  482. 


$6  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

circle  of  his  young  lady  friends,  and,  no  doubt,  was 
equally  susceptible  to  their  attractions.  For  Alice  Adams, 
one  of  his  early  acquaintances,  he  seems  to  have  formed 
a  special  attachment.  This  was  at  his  native  Coventry, 
but  the  traditions  in  the  case  do  not  appear  to  have  clung 
around  the  old  homestead.  When  Mr.  Gilbert,  of  that 
place,  made  an  effort,  in  1835-36,  to  collect  neighbor 
hood  recollections  of  Hale,  he  wrote  that  he  could  learn 
nothing  of  his  "calculations  in  matrimony."  This  might 
cause  some  surprise,  for  Miss  Adams,  then  Mrs.  Law 
rence,  was  still  living  at  Hartford.  It  is  through  her 
descendants  that  the  story  comes  down — the  generally 
accepted  version  being  based  upon  the  fact  that  before 
Nathan  appeared  upon  the  scene,  there  already  existed 
a  double  relationship  between  the  Hales  and  the  Adamses. 
On  June  13,  1769,  not  quite  three  months  before  Hale 
entered  college,  his  father,  Deacon  Richard  Hale,  mar 
ried,  for  his  second  wife,  Mrs.  Abigail  Adams,  widow 
of  Captain  Samuel  Adams,  of  the  near-by  town  of  Canter 
bury.  Presently  two  of  the  widow's  daughters  were  intro 
duced  into  the  family,  one  of  whom,  Sarah,  was  married, 
December  19,  1771,  to  John  Hale,  Nathan's  elder 
brother.  The  other  was  Alice,  or  Alicia,  Adams,  who, 
as  the  tradition  begins,  occasionally  visited  her  mother  in 
her  new  home,  with  the  result  that  Deacon  Hale  insisted 
on  her  remaining  with  them  permanently.  This  would 
be  about  the  year  1770-71,  when  Alice  was  in  her  fifteenth 
year  and  Nathan  a  Sophomore  at  college.  It  was  not 
long  before  both  Nathan  and  his  brother  Enoch  were 
strongly  attracted  to  her — the  fondness  increasing  during 
vacation  days — with  Nathan  as  the  favored  one.  During 
term  time  he  engaged  in  a  correspondence  with  her,  but 
this  added  flow  of  their  affections  was  checked  by  the 
mother  on  account  of  their  youth.  That  Deacon  Hale 
objected  to  Alice  as  another  daughter-in-law  from  the 


H ALE'S  ENGAGEMENT  57 

Adams  side  of  the  house,  as  once  supposed,  has  been 
questioned,  and  we  are  told  that,  on  the  contrary,  he 
favored  the  alliance.  The  young  girl  possessed  many 
fine  qualities,  both  of  mind  and  heart,  developing  attrac 
tively  in  after  life,  and  Hale,  we  may  well  believe, 
already  felt  a  lover's  appreciation  of  them.  Stuart,  in 
fact,  quotes  him  as  referring  to  her  afterwards  as  "a 
bright,  particular  star"  he  "thought  to  wed."  Alice, 
however,  though  subsequently  twice  married,  was  not  to 
bear  the  name  of  Hale.  As  the  tradition  continues,  her 
mother  and  sister  prevailed  upon  her  to  accept  Mr.  Elijah 
Ripley,  of  Coventry,  a  well-to-do  and  worthy  neighbor, 
considerably  older  than  herself.1  They  were  married 
February  8,  1773,  when  Nathan  was  about  half  way 
through  his  Senior  year,  and  thus  his  student  fancy,  or 
courtship,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  passed  into  a 
memory  or  disappointment. 

This  experience  of  youth,  so  often  repeated,  was  fol 
lowed  by  its  not  infrequent  sequel.  During  the  next  two 
years,  especially  when  he  was  at  New  London,  Hale's 
circle  of  friends  widened  and  extended  into  neighboring 
places.  Marvin  wrote  him  from  Norwich  that  "the 
ladies  are  all  in  good  spirits"  and  Saltonstall,  after  a 
trip  to  Lyme,  where  it  would  seem  Hale  occasionally 
visited,  told  him  that  the  girls  he  met  at  a  friend's  or 
relative's  house  "expressed  a  regard  for  you  which  I 
thought  but  a  few  removes  from  love."  These  were 
light  touches  in  otherwise  matter-of-fact  letters,  but  they 
give  us  glimpses  of  Hale  among  happy  companions  who 

1  The  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Library  contains  a  pamphlet 
entitled,  "A  Father's  Legacy  to  His  Daughters — By  the  late  Dr.  Gregory 
of  Edinburgh." — Boston,  1779. — At  the  head  of  the  title-page  is  the  auto 
graph,  "Alicia  Ripley's  Book."  It  was  written  "by  a  tender  father  in  a 
declining  state  of  health  for  the  instruction  of  his  daughters,"  and  treats 
of  religious  duties,  amusements,  books,  dress,  friendships,  love  and 
marriage. 


58  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

understood  his  responsive  heart.  How  far  his  alleged 
disappointment  at  college  affected  him  we  cannot  say,  but 
that  he  became  interested  somewhere  in  youthful  fashion,, 
and  perhaps  seriously,  may  be  implied  from  allusions  or 
hints  from  classmates.  His  two  close  friends,  Robinson 
and  Tallmadge,  undoubtedly  knew  of  Alice  Adams,  and 
of  her  charming  ways  and  presence — one  or  both  may 
have  met  her — but  to  whom  did  they  refer  when  touching 
Hale  on  his  tender  side?  Robinson  ventured  to  say  to 
him,  on  January  20,  1774:  "My  own  school  is  not  large; 
my  neighbors  are  kind,  and  (summatim)  my  distance 
from  a  house  on  your  side  the  river  which  contains  an 
object  worthy  the  esteem  of  every  one,  and,  as  I  conclude, 
has  yours  in  an  especial  manner,  is  not  great."  And  six 
months  later  Tallmadge  was  curious  enough  to  write, 
on  a  warm  July  4,  1774:  "Friend  Hale: — How  do  you 
do  this  cold  weather?  I  should  be  very  glad  to  have 
some  direct  news  from  you,  I  do  assure  you;  for  by  the 
last  accounts,  you  were' all  over  (head  and  heels)  in 
love  ...  I  have  only  time  to  subscribe  myself  your  real 
friend  &c."  At  these  dates,  Alice  Adams  had  been  mar 
ried  a  year  or  more.  She  was  Mrs.  Ripley.  These 
classmates  may  have  just  learned  to  their  surprise  that  the 
studious  Nathan  had  once  been  in  love  and  was  now 
expressing  his  former  admiration  for  Alice  or  "regard" 
for  some  one  else  at  that  moment,  and  w^ere  sounding  or 
jibing  him  after  the  manner  of  college  chums.1 

The  story  concludes  with  the  death  of  Mr.  Ripley  on 
December  26,  1774.  Alice  was  left  a  widow  with  a  young 

1  In  the  Memoir  of  Rev.  William  Robinson,  p.  71,  n.,  his  biographer, 
noticing  the  same  point,  expresses  the  opinion  that  the  "house  on  your 
side  of  the  river,"  referred  to  above,  was  probably  that  of  the  Wolcotts 
at  East  Windsor,  and  that  the  young  lady  may  have  been  Miss  Naomi 
Wolcott,  "with  whom  Hale  was  doubtless  acquainted."  This  was  a 
suggestion.  The  biographer  could  not  believe  that  the  Hale,  or  any 
other  "house"  at  Coventry,  was  meant. 


BALE'S  ENGAGEMENT  59 

child,  named  after  its  father.  Hale  was  then  with  the 
Union  School  at  New  London.  We  might  or  might  not 
expect  to  hear  of  the  renewal  of  their  affection,  but  it 
seems  certain  that  it  was  renewed  and  that  they  became 
engaged  some  time  during  the  following  year,  1775,  or 
early  in  1776,  while  he  was  still  teaching  or  after  he 
joined  the  army.  A  heart-tribute,  or  "love  poem,"  ad 
dressed  by  Nathan  to  Alice,  presumably  about  this  period, 
and  now  published  for  the  first  time  (in  the  Appendix), 
gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  warmth  and  depth  of  his 
feelings : 

Alicia,  born  with  every  striking  charm, 

******* 

Fair  in  thy  form,  still  fairer  in  thy  mind, 

With  beauty  wisdom,  sense  with  sweetness  joined 

******* 

Let  others  toil  amidst  the  lofty  air 

By  fancy  led  through  every  cloud  above 

Let  empty  follies  build  the  castles  there 

My  thoughts  are  settled  on  the  friend  I  love 

******* 

The  poem  is  without  date,  but  one  might  fairly  infer 
from  the  line,  "Far  from  the  seat  of  pleasure  now  I 
roam,"  that  he  was  in  camp.1  Marvin's  letter  of  Febru 
ary  26,  1776,  closing  in  rhyme,  contains  the  last  refer 
ence,  in  the  Hale  correspondence,  to  the  betrothed  couple. 
The  meandering  poet  drops  into  a  musing  vein,  comfort 
ing  "Nathan's  other  self"  with  the  knightly  vision  that  he 
would  return  a  hero  from  the  field  of  Mars : 

******* 

Her   heart    to    ease,    her   mind    to   calm, 
He  then  pours  in  the  friendly  balm 
Of  honor  gain'd,  of  service  done, 
A  treasure  which  he'll  sure  bring  home. 

1  This  poem  is  given  in  full  on  pp.  190,  191. 


60  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

After  a  widowhood  of  about  seven  years,  Alice  mar 
ried  Mr.  William  Lawrence,  son  of  a  former  treasurer 
of  Connecticut,  and  survived  at  Hartford  to  the  age  of 
eighty-eight.  She  was  remembered  by  persons  living  a 
few  years  ago  as  a  sweet,  intellectual  woman — a  char 
acter  that  is  stamped  in  the  lines  of  her  portrait,  pre 
served  by  descendants  in  Brooklyn,  Long  Island.1  An 
appreciative  notice  of  her  may  be  found  in  Stuart. 
One  who  knew  her  gave  this  recollection  to  the 
present  writer  in  1901  :  "She  was  a  smart,  pretty,  lovely 
lady  in  1830,  when  I  began  to  call  on  her.  Many  and 
many  a  time  I  talked  with  her  about  Nathan  Hale.  She, 
with  tears  in  her  eyes,  told  of  his  noble  character  and 
fine  talents  and  personal  appearance.  .  .  .  Happy  as 
she  was  in  her  second  marriage,  she  never  forgot  Nathan 
Hale."  A  copy  of  her  portrait  hangs  in  the  Athenaeum 
collection  at  Hartford. 

1  The  present  possessor  of  the  portrait  is  Mrs.  C.  Thurston  Corey,  of 
Brooklyn,  great-granddaughter  of  Alice  Adams.  Further  reference  to 
the  engagement  traditions  and  mention  of  a  Hale  miniature  and  profile 
appear  in  Chapter  VIII. 


IV 


THE   LEXINGTON  ALARM— HALE  JOINS  THE 

ARMY 

While  Hale  was  teaching  school  the  war  opened.  The 
I9th  of  April,  1775,  had  the  effect  of  a  surprise.  The 
phase  of  affairs  had  been  regarded  as  critical,  men  felt 
that  a  struggle  was  upon  them,  but  the  actual  hostilities, 
the  firing  of  the  first  gun,  stirred  them  all  with  a  new 
and  profound  sensation.  It  was  so  in  our  Civil  War. 
While  the  conflict  with  the  mother-country  had  been 
openly  predicted  and  anticipated,  the  sudden  mustering 
of  the  farmers,  the  volleys  along  the  roads  and  from 
behind  the  walls,  the  slaughter  of  the  redcoats,  the  fall  of 
neighbors,  and  the  grief  of  families  intensified  their 
mingled  forebodings  and  enthusiasm.  Nothing  had 
come  so  near  to  these  people  since  the  days  when  King 
Philip  or  the  Pequots  had  threatened  the  homes  of  their 
grandfathers.  The  pitch  of  their  emotions  and  patriot 
ism  is  represented  by  this  outburst  in  a  letter  of  the  day: 
uOh  my  dear  New  England,  hearest  thou  the  alarm  of 
war — the  call  of  Heaven  is  to  arms,  to  arms!" 

Connecticut  as  a  near  neighbor  turned  out  to  the  assist 
ance  of  Massachusetts  and  in  a  few  days  had  four  thou 
sand  men  on  the  roads  marching  towards  Boston.  They 
dropped  into  their  militia  organizations  or  formed  im 
promptu  companies  and  pushed  on,  in  many  cases  without 
waiting  for  orders.  In  its  records  of  the  Revolutionary 
War,  published  by  the  State,  the  names  of  these  volun 
teers,  with  the  days  of  their  service,  are  classified  by 


62  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

localities  and  together  present  the  appearance  of  an 
honor-roll  of  the  emergency.  In  the  Coventry  list  may 
be  seen  the  names  of  John  and  Joseph  Hale,  two  of 
Nathan's  brothers. 

The  young  schoolmaster  watched  the  tendencies  of 
the  times  with  eager  interest.  In  the  second  letter  that 
we  have  from  his  pen,  dated  September  8,  1774,  he 
writes  that  no  liberty-pole  had  yet  been  erected  in  New 
London,  "but  the  people  seem  much  more  spirited  than 
they  were  before  the  alarm."  This  was  an  alarm  caused 
within  a  few  days  by  the  report  that  the  British  ships 
were  firing  upon  Boston  and  troops  preparing  to  march 
upon  the  towns.  Several  thousand  armed  men  in  Massa 
chusetts  and  Connecticut  immediately  headed  for  the 
threatened  points.  The  reports  proved  false,  but  the 
colonists  realized  through  this  demonstration  that  the 
right  spirit  would  prevail  when  reports  proved  true. 
Hale  adds:  "Parson  Peters,  of  Hebron,  I  hear,  has  had 
a  second  visit  paid  him  by  the  Sons  of  liberty  in  Wind- 
ham.  His  treatment  and  the  concessions  he  made  I  have 
not  yet  heard."  Hebron  adjoined  Coventry  and  the 
parson  was  the  Rev.  Samuel  Peters,  one  of  the  few  clergy 
men  in  the  Colony  who  threw  their  influence  against  the 
rising  sentiment  of  the  country.  Finding  the  liberty-men 
too  much  in  earnest  to  give  them  occasion  for  a  third 
visit,  he  quickly  left  for  England.1 

1  It  would  have  amused  Hale,  had  he  lived,  to  read  the  large  tales 
Parson  Peters  subsequently  gave  out  respecting  his  treatment  at  Hebron. 
In  his  application  for  a  loyalists'  pension  in  England  in  1782,  he  repre 
sented  that  he  was  taken  up  in  1774  by  the  liberty-men,  and  was  "the 
first  man  they  intended  to  kill."  The  Americans  would  have  put  him 
to  death  if  he  had  stayed.  "Mr.  Peters  attends  again  and  says  that 
after  he  was  condemn'd  to  be  hang'd  he  was  carried  under  the  Gallows 
&  expected  to  be  hang'd  in  5  minutes — the  tar  &  feathers  were  prepar 
ing — some  of  his  Neighbours  came  up  at  the  moment  &  rescued  him." — 
Loyalist  Papers,  N.  Y.  Public  Library.  "Temporary  Support,"  etc.,  Vol. 
II,  pp.  266-267.  No  violence  of  this  sort  was  threatened.  The  parson 


HALE  JOINS  THE  ARMY  63 

From  this  date  the  movement  grew  rapidly.  In  Octo 
ber,  the  lately  assembled  first  Continental  Congress  took 
decisive  action  in  favor  of  commercial  non-intercourse 
with  Great  Britain  as  long  as  the  tax  measures  were  in 
force.  Its  stand  was  applauded  and  toasted  by  the 
patriotic  element.  A  wider  interchange  and  freer  expres 
sion  of  views  followed.  New  London  was  one  of  the  few 
Connecticut  towns  that  could  boast  the  luxury  of  a  news 
paper,  and  its  weekly  Gazette,  like  the  others  elsewhere, 
served  as  a  pulse  of  opinion  through  the  items  it  circu 
lated.  If  Hale  read  it  carefully,  as  no  doubt  he  did,  he 
saw  that  his  friends  and  neighbors  in  Coventry  held  a 
legal  town  meeting  on  September  13, — Phineas  Strong, 
moderator, — at  which  they  expressed  alarm  at  the 
gloomy  aspect,  but  at  the  same  time  gratefully  acknowl 
edged  "the  favorable  omens  of  Providence  in  that  happy 
unity,  propitious  plenty,  sympathetic  charity,  noble  forti 
tude  and  manly  resistance  to  despotism,  universal  through 
out  America."  He  saw  that  at  the  recent  Commence 
ment  at  his  college  there  was  an  English  dialogue  pre 
sented  on  "The  Right  of  America,  and  the  unconstitu 
tional  measures  of  the  British  Parliament."  Now  and 
then  there  came  some  bugle  blast  which  strengthened  the 
nerves,  as  when  "Cassius"  wrote  to  the  printer  on  Febru 
ary  24,  1775: 

The  question  which  for  the  last  ten  years  has  been  agitated 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  American  Colonies  is  now  shifted 
from  the  principle  of  right  to  that  of  power.  .  .  .  To  this  crisis, 
O  Americans,  our  affairs  are  wrought  up  that  the  alternative, 
the  serious  alternative,  is  this — either  submit  and  take  the  yoke 
upon  you  or  prepare,  and  that  instantly,  to  resist  in  the  same 
style  in  which  you  have  hitherto  professed  to  reason  and  to  act. 
Long  and  laboured  speeches  and  harangues,  when  the  enemy  are 

was  the  author  of  that  edition  of  the  "Blue  Laws"  of  Connecticut  which 
is  famous  for  its  fiction  and  diverting  variations  from  the  original. 


64  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

in  sight,  carry  with  them  strong  implication  of  cowardice.  .  .  . 
Therefore,  as  it  has  been  for  some  time  sounded  as  our  alarm- 
bell  that  we  must  unite  or  die — our  motto  being  "United  we 
stand,  divided  we  fall" — so  in  one  word  let  this  be  added,  Resist 
and  be  free  or  submit  and  be  slaves.  Need  men  be  urged  to  arm 
when  the  enemy  is  at  the  door? 

Immediately  beneath  this  appears  the  report  of  a  meet 
ing  in  Fairfax  County,  Virginia,  in  favor  of  organiza 
tion  of  companies  and  drilling  for  service,  with  the  head 
ing,  "Colonel  George  Washington  in  the  Chair."  A 
month  later  the  Gazette  did  not  fail  to  publish  Warren's 
oration  on  the  anniversary  of  the  Boston  Massacre,  with 
its  many  impassioned  sentences,  and  also  one  of  Chat 
ham's  friendly  speeches.  Independence  was  at  that  date 
something  of  a  prohibited  sentiment  so  far  as  its  public 
expression  was  concerned,  but  in  private  it  was  avowed, 
if  not  urged,  in  certain  quarters;  and  when  the  New  Lon 
don  paper  found  a  pointed  reference  to  it  in  the  Boston 
Post,  it  seems  to  have  been  happy  to  quote  it  without 
assuming  the  responsibility  of  its  authorship.  In  effect 
the  writer  said  that  if  England  continued  to  spurn  her 
colonies,  the  latter  would  be  compelled  by  the  great  law 
of  nature  to  rise  in  their  might  and,  following  the  exam 
ple  of  the  united  provinces  of  Holland,  publish  a  mani 
festo  to  the  world,  showing  the  necessity  of  dissolving 
their  connection  with  a  nation  whose  ministers  were  aim 
ing  at  their  ruin.  With  such  a  declaration  they  must  also 
offer  free  trade  to  all  and  an  asylum  to  the  oppressed 
throughout  the  world.  "This  is  the  dernier  resort,"  con 
tinued  the  writer,  "and  this,  Americans,  you  can  do,  and 
this  you  must  do,  unless  tyranny  ceases  to  invade  your 
liberties."  Samuel  Adams  thought  so,  too,  and  he  had 
more  than  one  disciple  throughout  the  colonies.  From 
what  we  know  of  Hale,  he  could  heartily  have  said 
"Amen"  to  the  sentiment.  There  was  also  a  poet's  corner 


MALE'S  POWDERHORN,  CAMP  BOOK  AND  BASKET    1775-; 


HALE  JOINS  THE  ARMY  65 

in  the  Gazette  in  which  the  local  muse  was  permitted  at 
intervals  to  fan  the  flame.  "Rule  Britannia"  was  once 
as  popular  in  America  as  in  England,  but  now  an  Ameri 
can  version  was  attempted: 


To  spread  bright  freedom's  gentle  sway, 

Your  isle  too  narrow  for  its  bound, 
We  traced  wild  ocean's  trackless  way 
And  here  a  safe  asylum  found. 
Rule,  Britannia,  rule  the  waves, 
But  rule  us  justly — not  like  slaves. 


Let  us  your  sons  by  freedom  warm'd, 

Your  own  example  keep  in  view, 
'Gainst  Tyranny  be  ever  arm'd, 
Tho'  we  our  Tyrant  find — in  you. 
Rule,  Britannia,  rule  the  waves, 
But  never  make  your  children  slaves. 


To  Hale  such  atmosphere  must  have  proved  a  tonic,  and 
we  are  the  better  prepared  to  accept  the  tradition  which 
represents  him  as  making  a  spirited  speech  at  a  public 
meeting  held  in  New  London  on  the  reception  of  the  news 
from  Lexington.  "Let  us  march  immediately,"  he  is 
reported  to  have  said,  "and  never  lay  down  our  arms 
until  we  obtain  our  independence."  The  last  word  was 
cautiously  in  the  air,  but  he  may  have  boldly  spoken  it  as 
the  true  issue  of  the  war.  This  was  obvious  to  every 
one  who  had  watched  events  and  understood  the  temper 
of  the  home  administration.  There  was  no  half-way 
outcome.  War  meant  complete  independence  for  the 
colonies,  or,  in  case  of  defeat,  as  then  believed,  a  more 
irritating  dependence  on  Great  Britain. 


66  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Whatever  Hale  may  have  said  at  the  meeting,  it  is 
hardly  probable,  as  usually  represented,  that  he  bade 
farewell  to  his  school  on  the  following  morning  and 
marched  as  a  volunteer  with  Captain  Coit's  company  for 
Boston.  Parts  of  four  companies  went  from  New  Lon 
don.  His  name  does  not  appear  on  the  official  list  of 
any  of  them,  and  from  the  tenor  of  his  letter  to  the  pro 
prietors  of  the  school,  July  7  following,  we  gather  that 
he  had  not  been  absent  from  it  in  April.  He  was  under 
engagement  for  a  year,  and  just  before  its  expiration  he 
requested  as  a  special  favor  that  they  would  release  him 
two  weeks  in  advance.  Nothing,  he  says,  could  have 
persuaded  him  to  ask  for  it  but  the  fact  that  he  had 
received  a  commission  in  the  army,  and  that  closing  a 
fortnight  earlier  would  probably  not  subject  them  to 
inconvenience.  Had  he  marched  on  the  alarm  and  been 
away  as  long  as  Coit's  company,  the  school  would  have 
been  broken  up  for  the  term.  If  the  war  was  then  open 
ing  in  earnest,  the  systematic  mustering  of  troops  would 
be  necessary  and  he  could  enter  for  permanent  service  in 
ample  time  a  few  weeks  later.  As  it  was,  few  college 
men  were  in  the  field  before  him. 

Connecticut  made  her  first  regular  call  for  volunteers 
soon  after  the  uprising  of  the  I9th  and  organized  six 
regiments,  one  from  each  county,  to  serve  for  seven 
months.  As  these  troops  were  dispatched  into  fields  out 
side  of  the  Colony,  some  to  participate  in  the  siege  of 
Boston,  others  to  invade  Canada,  the  Assembly  at  an 
extra  session  in  July  organized  two  additional  regi 
ments  for  special  home  defense,  to  be  known  as  the 
"Seventh"  and  "Eighth"  and  to  serve  until  about  the  ist 
of  December.  Long  terms  of  service,  winter  quarters — 
anything  suggestive  of  a  regular  army — would  have  been 
intolerable  to  the  colonists  at  that  date,  and  in  conse 
quence  the  country  during  the  first  two  years  suffered 


HALE  JOINS  THE  ARMY  67 

from  lack  of  discipline  and  cohesion  in  its  defensive 
force.  It  was  not  until  1777  that  a  Continental  army 
was  enlisted  to  serve  for  "three  years  or  during  the  war." 
On  the  other  hand,  the  short  terms  of  the  earlier  years 
were  filled  with  a  promptness  that  gave  to  the  cause  the 
needed  momentum  and  appearance  of  energy. 

On  the  ist  of  July  the  Connecticut  Assembly  appointed, 
and  on  the  6th  the  Governor  commissioned,  the  officers 
of  the  new  "Seventh"  regiment.  Male's  name  was  on  the 
list.  He  appeared  as  first  lieutenant  of  the  third,  or 
major's,  company.  The  appointment  doubtless  came 
about  in  the  usual  way.  The  Assembly,  through  com 
mittees,  made  out  the  rosters  from  applications  and  rec 
ommendations  received  from  the  deputies  or  leading 
men  of  the  towns,  with  personal  and  social  influence 
playing  its  usual  part.  The  moment  it-  was  known  that 
Hale  had  thoughts  of  entering  the  service,  his  New  Lon 
don  friends,  appreciating  his  fitness,  would  not  hesitate 
to  indorse  him  for  an  officer's  position.  "Having  re 
ceived  information  that  a  place  is  allotted  me  in  the 
army,  and  being  inclined,  as  I  hope,  for  good  reasons  to 
accept  it" — is  all  we  have  from  Hale  himself.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  the  major,  Jonathan  Latimer,  who  knew 
him  well  and  whose  son  Robert  was  one  of  Hale's  pupils, 
applied  to  have  him  appointed  his  lieutenant.  The  first 
lieutenants  of  the  three  field  officers'  companies  were 
practically  captains,  as  they  had  full  charge  of  the  men. 
The  regiment  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Charles  Webb, 
of  Stamford,  and  being  intended  for  coast  defense,  it 
was  recruited  mainly  from  Greenwich,  Stamford,  Nor- 
walk,  Milford,  New  Haven,  Branford,  Saybrook,  Lyme, 
New  London,  Groton,  and  Stonington  on  the  Sound.  It 
contained,  as  Hale  himself  says,  many  skippers  and  sail 
ors.  The  lieutenant-colonel's  first  lieutenant  was  William 
Hull,  of  Derby,  one  of  Hale's  college  acquaintances 


68  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

whose  friendship  was  to  be  strengthened  in  their  camp 
associations. 

A  new  letter  we  have  from  Tallmadge  comes  in  most 
interestingly  at  this  point.  He  was  then  in  his  third  year 
of  school  teaching  at  Wethersfield,  and  had  just  learned 
of  Hale's  appointment  in  the  army.  Returning  from  a 
flying  trip  to  the  Boston  camp,  and  aroused  by  the  war 
situation,  he  wrote  to  his  classmate,  July  4,  what  he 
thought  of  their  common  duty  in  the  emergency.  He  is 
not  quite  certain  as  to  the  best  advice  to  give.  "I  can't 
say,"  he  writes,  "that  you  will  hesitate  a  moment  in  your 
own  mind  about  accepting  or  refusing;  but  you  have  a 
matter  of  no  trifling  consideration  which  presents  itself 
for  calm  reflexion,  mature  deliberation  &  a  wise  con 
clusion.  .  .  .  When  I  consider  you  as  a  Brother  Peda 
gogue,  engaged  in  a  calling,  useful,  honorable,  &  doubt 
less  to  you  very  entertaining,  it  seems  difficult  to  advise 
you  to  relinquish  your  business,  &  to  leave  so  agreeable 
a  circle  of  connections  and  friends.  But  when  I  consider 
you  as  acting  in  that  capacity  to  the  good  acceptance  of 
all  concerned,  &  to  your  own  applause,  [and  far  be  it 
from  me  to  flatter  a  friend]  the  difficulty  is  still  greater. 
On  the  other  hand  when  I  consider  our  Country,  a  Land 
flowing  as  it  were  with  milk  &  honey,  holding  open  her 
arms,  &  demanding  Assistance  from  all  who  can  assist 
her  in  her  sore  distress,  Methinks  a  Christian's  counsel 
must  favour  the  latter.  .  .  .  Was  I  in  your  condition, 
notwithstanding  the  many,  I  had  almost  said  insuperable, 
objections  against  such  a  resolution,  I  think  the  more  ex 
tensive  service  would  be  my  choice.  Our  holy  Religion, 
the  honour  of  our  God,  a  glorious  Country,  &  a  happy 
constitution  is  what  we  have  to  defend."1 

This  letter  is  valuable  in  the  light  of  the  times  as 

1  See  Appendix  for  the  entire  letter. 


HALE  JOINS  THE  ARMY  69 

well  as  biographically.  There  is  a  glimpse  here  of  the 
views  of  educated  and  patriotic  young  men  at  the  opening 
of  the  Revolution  we  do  not  often  get.  Hale  accepted 
the  "more  extended  service,"  and  Tallmadge  followed 
with  other  classmates  in  the  following  year.  A  few 
months  later  we  shall  have  another  still  more  valuable 
letter,  in  its  bearing  on  events,  from  another  young 
graduate. 

As  he  left  his  school  to  begin  recruiting,  Hale  wrote 
to  the  proprietors  his  appreciative  letter  of  July  7. 
"Good  reasons,"  he  assures  them,  take  him  into  the  army. 
"School  keeping,"  he  adds,  "is  a  business  of  which  I  was 
always  fond,  but  since  my  residence  in  this  town,  every 
thing  has  conspired  to  render  it  more  agreeable.  I  have 
thought  much  of  never  quitting  it  but  with  life,  but  at 
present  there  seems  an  opportunity  of  more  extended 
public  service.  The  kindness  expressed  to  me  by  the 
people  of  the  place,  but  especially  the  proprietors  of  the 
school,  will  always  be  very  gratefully  remembered."  So 
the  school  bell  gave  way  to  the  drum,  and  with  commis 
sion,  blanks,  and  necessary  funds  in  hand,  Hale  proceeded 
to  fill  up  his  company. 

During  this  interval,  when  he  had  occasion  to  ride 
about  the  country,  it  is  supposed  that  he  went  to  New 
Haven.  If  so,  he  must  have  imbibed  some  new  enthusi 
asm  from  his  old  associations.  The  day  before  the  Lex 
ington  alarm  reached  that  town,  or  on  April  20,  1775, 
Hale's  classmate,  Ebenezer  Williams,  wrote  to  him: 

All  public  exercises  and  exhibitions  are  discontinued 
at  college  on  account  of  the  present  melancholy  aspect 
of  our  public  affairs.  Politics  engross  so  much  of  the 
attention  of  people  of  all  ages  and  denominations  among 
us,  that  little  else  is  heard  or  thought  of.  It  would  I 
suppose  be  nothing  new  to  inform  you  that  the  best 
military  company  in  the  colony  consists  of  the  members 


TO  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

of  Yale  College,  who  appear  statedly  under  arms  three 
times  per  day.  Query.  Do  we  not  bid  fair  to  be  in  time 
a  martial  people  and  a  match  for  our  enemies,  when  even 
students  are  so  much  engaged  in  the  cause?1 

It  was  at  Dr.  Munson's  at  New  Haven,  as  we  are  told, 
that,  while  speaking  of  the  new  field  he  was  about  to 
enter,  Hale  exclaimed  with  a  youth's  enthusiasm,  "Duke 
et  decorum  est  pro  patria  morl."  The  young  captain  now 
began  recruiting  men  in  and  around  New  London,  while 
his  lieutenant  and  ensign,  Belcher  and  Hilliard,  went  to 
work  at  Stonington.  In  this  connection  we  have  a  brief 
but  rare  letter  preserved,  in  which  Belcher  writes  to  Hale 
that  by  the  2yth  of  July  he  had  enrolled  twenty-two  men, 
whom  he  expected  to  increase  to  thirty,  and  inquires 
"what  progress  you  have  made  in  the  enlisting  way." 
The  companies  were  all  soon  filled  and  took  post  at 
different  points.  Several  were  stationed  at  New  Haven 
under  the  colonel,  while  the  major  and  three  companies 
went  on  with  the  fortifications  at  New  London.  The 
daily  routine  was  drill,  guard,  and  picket  duty  along  the 
shore.  Once,  in  August,  the  enemy's  ships  fired  into 
Stonington  and  the  major  and  his  men — Hale  with  them, 
no  doubt — hurried  over  to  defend  the  place.  The  alarm 
subsided  and  they  were  soon  ordered  to  another  field. 

Washington  had  not  been  in  command  of  the  provin 
cial  army  around  Boston  more  than  a  month  before  he 
called  for  reinforcements.  On  September  8,  he  made  a 
demand  on  Governor  Trumbull  for  the  two  new  Con- 

1  Hale,  Nathan.  Captain  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  The  martyr 
spy.  Executed  by  the  British.  A.  L.  S.  folio  of  E.  Williams  to  Nathan 
Hale,  dated  New  Haven,  April  20,  1775,  and  indorsed  in  Male's  hand 
writing.  Letter  sold  at  auction  in  1913. 

As  to  the  college  company  and  its  acting  as  escort  to  Washington  as 
he  passed  through  New  Haven,  in  June,  1775,  see  Yale  in  the  Revolu 
tion,  p.  13. 


HALE  JOINS  THE  ARMY  71 

necticut  regiments,  and  about  the  2Oth  the  companies 
were  on  the  march. 

It  is  here  that  the  preserved  portions  of  Hale's  army 
diary  begin.  Brief,  abbreviated,  hurriedly  written,  and 
intended  only  for  personal  reference,  it  is  still  a  valu 
able  record — the  only  existing  record,  indeed,  which 
gives  the  movements  of  his  regiment.  For  biographi 
cal  purposes  its  value  lies  in  the  lively  interest  it 
shows  him  to  have  taken  in  his  new  duties  as  an  officer 
and  in  the  progress  of  the  war.  From  it  we  learn  that 
from  New  London  his  part  of  the  regiment  marched  to 
Providence  and  beyond  through  the  Massachusetts  towns 
of  Rehoboth,  Attleboro,  Wrentham,  Walpole,  Dedham, 
and  Roxbury,  to  Cambridge,  headquarters  of  the  Ameri 
can  force  besieging  the  British  in  Boston.  On  arrival  the 
Seventh  was  assigned  to  General  Sullivan's  brigade  at 
Winter  Hill,  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  semicircular  line 
of  investment,  not  far  from  Medford.  The  other  Con 
necticut  regiments  were  stationed  on  the  right,  at 
Roxbury. 

Five  months  had  now  passed  since  Lexington  and  Con 
cord,  and  three  since  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  These 
opening  successes  had  elated  the  country  and  seemed  to 
foreshadow  the  final  result.  The  gathering  around 
Boston  of  the  farmers  and  citizens  in  their  ordinary 
clothes,  and  many  of  them  with  their  own  arms,  marked 
the  character  of  the  first  uprising.  It  was  not,  and  never 
became,-  a  well-appointed  camp  of  soldiers  so  much  as 
an  extended  muster  of  townsmen.  These  people  were 
still  appealing  to  their  king  to  protect  them  against  the 
legislation  of  their  Parliament.  They  floated  their  pro 
vincial  or  special  regimental  colors,  but  no  common 
standard  of  disloyalty.  Our  schoolmaster  of  the  Sev 
enth  Connecticut  marched  under  a  blue  banner.  Before 
long,  with  their  protests  and  attitude  unheeded,  they 


72  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

will  run  up  the  thirteen  red  and  white  stripes  indicative 
of  their  colonial  union  and  at  a  later  day  they  will  replace 
the  British  Jack  with  a  cluster  of  stars,  announcing  them 
selves  through  their  completed  flag  as  "a  new  constella 
tion"  among  the  nations. 


IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON— BESIEGING  THE  ENEMY 

Here  at  Winter  Hill,  two  miles  on  the  direct  road  from 
the  British  at  Charlestown  Neck  and  Bunker  Hill,  Hale 
passed  his  first  four  months  with  Washington's  army. 
Apart  from  the  gratification  of  being  in  his  country's 
service,  he  found  camp  life  more  or  less  agreeable.  He 
seems  at  one  time  or  another  to  have  visited  nearly  every 
part  of  the  American  lines,  examined  the  forts  and  famil 
iarized  himself  with  the  country  about.  The  doings  of 
the  enemy,  who  at  points  were  in  plain  sight,  would  of 
course  be  noted.  ''Considerable  firing  upon  Roxbury 
side  in  the  forenoon,  and  some  P.  M.  No  damage  done 
as  we  hear" — is  his  September  30  entry  the  morning 
after  arrival  in  quarters.  Some  days  later  he  rides  several 
miles  around  to  the  right  or  Dorchester  end  of  the  line, 
to  have  a  look  at  British  Boston  from  that  side.  Now 
and  again  he  commands  the  picket-guard  on  Ploughed 
Hill,  in  advance  of  Winter  Hill,  and  hears  the  regulars 
at  work  with  their  pickaxes.  "One  of  our  Gentries, "  he 
writes,  "heard  their  grand  rounds  give  the  countersign 
which  was  Hamilton. — Returned  to  camp  at  sunrise." 
November  9,  there  was  a  general  alarm  sounded  on  the 
landing,  at  Lechmere's  Point,  of  a  body  of  redcoats  who 
were  out  on  a  cattle  raid.  "Our  works  were  immediately 
all  manned,"  is  Hale's  account,  "and  a  detachment  sent 
to  receive  them,  who  were  obliged  to  wade  through  water 
nearly  waist  high.  While  the  enemy  were  landing,  we 
gave  them  a  constant  cannonade  from  Prospect  Hill. 
Our  party,  having  got  on  to  the  Point,  marched  in  two 


74  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

columns,  one  on  each  side  of  ye  hill,  with  a  view  to  sur 
round  ye  enemy,  but  upon  the  first  appearance  of  them, 
they  made  their  boats  as  fast  as  possible."  Opposite,  on 
captured  Bunker  Hill,  a  handsome  young  English  officer, 
Captain  William  Evelyn,  was  sending  home  similar  bits 
of  news.  "Remember  poor  me,"  he  wrote  to  his  father 
in  October,  "three  thousand  miles  off,  lodging  upon  the 
cold  ground,  and  now  and  then  ducking  at  the  whistling 
of  a  twenty-four  pounder,  one  of  which  came  a  few  days 
ago  into  our  camp,  went  through  one  of  our  tents  and 
fairly  took  the  crown  out  of  one  of  the  King's  Own 
Grenadiers'  hats.  His  head  was  not  in  it."  Not  long 
after,  Hale  had  something  of  the  same  sort  to  note: 
"Went  to  Cobble  Hill.  A  shell  and  a  shot  from  Bunker 
Hill.  The  shell  breaking  in  the  air,  one  piece  fell  and 
touched  a  man's  hat,  but  did  no  harm."  This  was  mild 
warfare,  but  all  good  training  for  those  earliest  soldiers 
of  1775.  Scenes  more  real  and  sobering  were  to  come. 
A  year  later  both  the  youthful  captains,  here  face  to  face 
at  the  front,  will  meet  their  fate  on  another  field  within 
a  few  weeks  of  each  other. 

Hale  found  time  to  write  letters  home  and  to  friends 
and  scattered  classmates.  Once  he  attempted  poetry,  in 
spite  of  his  admission  to  Tallmadge  that  "feet  and 
rhyme"  were  not  his  forte.  As  a  simple  piece  of  descrip 
tive  verse,  he  may  have  intended  it  solely  for  the  eyes 
of  some  of  his  young  scholars  in  New  London,  for  in  one 
of  the  lines  he  is  addressing  more  than  one  person,  but 
as  it  comes  to  light  now,  after  a  century  of  obscurity,  we 
may  value  the  realism  in  its  simplicity.  He  tells  of  his 
surroundings — and  the  sketch  or  picture  is  there : 

******* 

Could  you  but  take  a  full  survey, 
On  this  &  that  &  t'other  way, 


IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON  75 

You'd  see  extended  far  and  wide 
Our  Camps  both  here  &  Roxbury  side. 
The  hills  with  tents  their  whiteness  show 
Resembling  much  Mid  winter's  snow. 
( For  some  such  cause  perhaps  the  same, 
Our  hill  is  known  by  winter's  name.) 
****** 

When  coming  here  from  Watertown, 
Soon  after  ent'ring  Cambridge  ground, 
You  spy  the  grand  &  pleasant  seat, 
Possess'd  by  Washin[g]ton  the  great. 


An  interesting  reference  in  the  last  line — the  impression 
made  by  Washington  on  his  soldiers  at  this  early  date 
when  he  had  not  been  in  command  three  months  and  had 
come  a  comparative  stranger  among  them.  It  is  hardly 
poetic  courtesy  that  Hale  indulges  in,  as  the  letters  and 
expressions  of  others  bear  him  out.  Passing  on,  the 
domes"  of  fair  Harvard  attract  him: 

In  former  times  as  I  am  told, 
This  splendid  place  was  College  called 
The  muses  here  did  once  reside, 
And  with  the  ancient  muses  vy'd, 
E'en  shaming  Greek  and  Roman  pride. 

******* 

But  now,  so  changed  is  the  scene, 
You'd  scarce  believe  these  things  had  been. 
Instead  of  sons  of  Science  sons  of  Mars 
And  nothing's  heard  but  sound  of  Wars. 

******* 

But  now  it  gives  me  joy  to  hear 
That  when  her  ruin  seem'd  so  near, 
From  danger  having  -swiftly  fled ; 
At  Concord  she  erects  her  head. 


u 


76  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

The  siege  of  Boston  presented  no  thrilling  or  desperate 
episodes.  On  the  part  of  the  Americans  it  was  mainly 
a  blockade  of  the  roads  running  out  of  the  town,  with  an 
attempt  to  crowd  the  enemy  at  given  points.  The  lack 
of  powder  prevented  a  continued  and  concentrated  bom 
bardment  of  Boston,  while  the  British  believed  their  own 
force  to  be  insufficient  to  break  up  the  siege  and  seemed 
to  dread  the  repetition  of  such  stone-wall  fighting  as  the 
minute-men  of  April  19  had  indulged  in.  As  the  winter 
drew  on,  both  armies  kept  more  closely  to  their  lines 
and  contented  themselves  with  irregular  cannonading. 
From  the  nature  of  the  position,  attack  and  sortie  were 
seldom  attempted.  In  the  mean  time,  Captain  Hale  was 
perfecting  himself  in  a  soldier's  and  officer's  duties.  He 
drilled  his  company,  looked  after  clothes,  provisions,  pay, 
and  equipments,  and  mastered  the  minute  directions  for 
guards  and  pickets.  Resolution  and  activity  marked  his 
daily  routine.  "Studied  the  method  of  forming  a  regi 
ment  for  a  review,  of  arraying  the  companies,  also  of 
marching  round  the  reviewing  officer.  A  man  ought 
never  to  lose  a  moment's  time.  If  he  put  off  a  thing 
from  one  minute  to  the  next  his  reluctance  is  but 
increased."  And  again:  "Complaint  of  the  bad  condition 
of  the  lower  picquet  by  Major  Cutler.  It  is  of  the 
utmost  importance  that  an  officer  should  be  anxious  to 
know  his  duty,  but  of  greater  that  he  should  carefully 
perform  what  he  does  know.  The  present  irregular  state 
of  the  army  is  owing  to  a  capital  neglect  in  both  of  these." 
His  leisure  hours,  too,  were  often  pleasantly  spent.  With 
the  freedom  and  familiarity  permitted  in  the  provincial 
forces,  where  in  many  cases  men  and  officers  had  been 
friends  and  neighbors  at  home,  we  find  him  dining  twice 
at  General  Putnam's,  visiting  Generals  Lee,  Greene, 
Spencer,  and  Sullivan,  and  sharing  in  entertainments.  On 
these  occasions  Hull  was  frequently  his  companion.  They 


IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON  77 

were  both  promoted  to  be  captains,  or  more  properly 
captains-lieutenant,  during  this  fall — Hale  on  September 
i — but  were  not  allowed  a  full  captain's  pay  until  the 
reorganization  to  be  noticed.  At  times  Hale  joined  in 
camp  diversions,  played  football  and  checkers,  watched 
wrestling  matches — evening  prayers,  he  tells  us,  being 
omitted  on  the  occasion  when  Winter  Hill  was  "stumped" 
by  Prospect  Hill — read  what  books  he  could  pick  up, 
went  to  hear  the  several  chaplains  preach,  drank  a  bottle 
of  wine  at  Brown's,  cider  at  Stone's,  wrote  to  father, 
brothers,  friends,  and  pupils,  and — what  is  significant  of 
his  faith  and  temperament — throughout  his  diary  or  in 
his  letters  never  entered  a  despondent  line  or  reflection. 
It  is  true  that  in  his  polite  note  of  October  19  to  Betsey 
Christophers  at  New  London,  he  implies  that  camp 
scenes  had  lost  their  first  fascination  for  him.  As  we 
would  expect,  however,  he  tells  her:  "Not  that  I  am  dis 
contented — so  far  from  it,  that  in  the  present  situation  of 
things  I  would  not  accept  a  furlough  were  it  offered  me." 
In  his  Connecticut  circles  Hale  was  not  forgotten. 
Among  his  New  London  acquaintances,  Gilbert  Salton- 
stall,  already  referred  to,  kept  him  informed  of  all  mat 
ters  of  interest,  and  to  Hale's  care  in  preserving  his 
letters  we  are  indebted  for  additions  of  some  value  to 
local  history.  Hearing  from  the  captain  that  he  was  at 
Winter  Hill,  Saltonstall  replied:  "I  see  you  are  stationed 
in  the  mouth  of  danger.  I  look  upon  your  situation  as 
more  perilous  than  any  other  in  camp."  In  reply  to  some 
thing  Hale  must  have  written  him  about  entering  the 
service,  he  says:  "I  wholly  agree  with  you  in  ye  agree- 
ables  of  a  camp  life  and  should  have  tryed  it  in  some 
capacity  or  other  before  now,  could  my  father  carry  on 
his  business  without  me.  I  proposed  going  with  Dudley 
[his  brother]  who  is  appointed  to  command  a  twenty- 
Gun  ship  in  the  Continental  Navy,  but  my  father  is  not 


78  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

willing,  and  I  can't  persuade  myself  to  leave  him  in  the 
eve  of  life  against  his  consent."  An  opportunity  offered 
later.  In  a  postscript  he  adds:  "The  young  girls,  B. 
Coit,  S.  and  P.  Belden  [Hale's  pupils]  have  frequently 
desired  their  Compliments  to  Master,  but  I've  never 
thought  of  mentioning  it  till  now.  You  must  write  some 
thing  in  your  next  by  way  of  P.  S.  that  I  may  shew  it 
them."  He  sends  Hale  the  war  news  from  different 
points,  addresses  him  as  "Esteemed  Friend"  and  hopes  he 
will  continue  writing  him  from  camp.  His  letters  in  the 
Appendix  only  add  to  the  regret  that  Hale's  answers,  and 
his  replies  to  others,  have  not  come  to  light.  John 
Hallam  wrote  October  9  :  "I  received  your  two  letters  by 
Capt.  Packwood  and  the  post — am  extremely  glad  you 
bore  travelling  &  arrived  at  the  camp  so  well.  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Hallam,  Betsey  &  the  rest  of  the  family's  compli 
ments  to  you."  Young  Thomas  W.  Fosdick  applied  for 
a  position  in  the  army,  "under  you  in  particular" — a  wish 
that  was  to  be  gratified  in  the  following  year.  Among 
his  classmates,  Elihu  Marvin,  at  Norwich,  took  Hale  to 
task  for  not  remembering  him:  "Three  months  at  Cam 
bridge  and  not  one  line — Well,  I  can't  help  it;  if  a  Cap 
tain's  commission  has  all  this  effect,  what  will  happen 
when  it  is  turned  into  a  Colonel's.  .  .  .  Polly  hears  of 
one  and  another  at  New  London  who  have  letters  from 
Mr.  Hale,  but  none  comes  to  me,  Polly  says."  Roger 
Alden,  at  New  Haven,  also  thought  he  was  neglected, 
but  explained  with  a  sententious  touch:  "The  cares,  per 
plexities  and  fatigues  of  your  office  are  matters  sufficient 
to  vindicate  your  conduct,  and  the  duty  which  you  owe 
your  honor  and  the  interest  of  your  country  is  sufficient 
to  employ  your  whole  time  and  to  justify  you  in  dispensing 
with  the  obligations  of  your  old  friends  and  acquaint 
ances."  In  a  livelier  and  more  interested  vein  he  con 
tinued:  "I  almost  envy  you  your  circumstances — I  want 


IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON  79 

to  be  in  the  army  very  much;  I  feel  myself  fit  to  relish 
the  noise  of  guns,  trumpets,  blunderbuss  and  thunder, 
and  was  I  qualified  for  a  berth  and  of  influence  sufficient 
to  procure  one,  I  would  accept  it  with  all  my  heart.  .  .  . 
After  you  have  thought  over  all  this  tell  yourself  that  no 
one  loves  you  more  than  Roger  Alden." 

With  the  approach  of  winter  the  enlistment  of  a  new 
army  engrossed  the  attention  of  Congress  and  camp. 
The  terms  of  most  of  the  troops  would  expire  in  Decem 
ber,  and  the  danger  was  foreseen  that  during  that  and 
the  following  month  the  investment  might  be  seriously 
weakened.  Washington's  anxiety  in  the  case  is  expressed 
in  his  letters  of  that  date.  To  meet  the  emergency  it  was 
determined  to  recruit  new  regiments,  as  far  as  possible 
from  the  old  ones  in  camp,  to  serve  through  the  year 
1776.  This  was  known  as  the  new  establishment,  and 
Connecticut's  quota  was  to  be  five  battalions.  Colonel 
Webb  and  all  his  captains,  including  Hale,  reentered  the 
service,  first  for  the  emergency  until  January  i,  and  then 
for  the  following  year.  The  nucleus  of  their  regiment 
thus  remained,  and  they  proceeded  to  fill  up  its  com 
panies.  In  the  new  army  for  1776  it  was  designated  as 
the  "Nineteenth  Foot  in  the  service  of  the  United  Colo 
nies,"  otherwise  in  the  army  of  the  English  colonies  on 
the  Continent  of  North  America,  and  hence  the  "Con 
tinental"  army. 

Hale  refers  to  this  reorganization,  and  we  find  him 
cooperating  heart  and  soul  in  the  work.  To  tide  over 
December,  the  men  were  urged  by  officers  of  all  grades, 
including  Generals  Lee  and  Sullivan,  to  remain  a  few 
weeks  longer,  and  the  militia  were  called  out  to  fill  the 
gaps.  In  a  single  sentence  in  Hale's  diary  we  may  read 
how  earnestly  he  put  the  case  before  his  own  company: 
"Promised  the  men  if  they  would  tarry  another  month 
they  should  have  my  wages  for  that  time" — an  offer  that 


8o  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

might  spontaneously  come  from  one  who  was  ready  to 
give  his  life  at  a  more  serious  turn  of  affairs.  Many 
soldiers  volunteered  to  remain,  and  the  siege  was  main 
tained.  One  army  was  disappearing  and  another  organ 
izing  in  the  face  and  with  the  knowledge  of  the  enemy. 
Hale's  term  in  the  old  Seventh  expired  December  6,  and 
on  the  loth  he  was  mustered  out;  but  under  the  new 
arrangement  he  continued  his  duties  without  interrup 
tion.  He  reenlisted  men  for  his  new  company,  who  were 
given  furloughs  for  a  few  weeks,  while  his  lieutenant  and 
ensign  went  back  to  Connecticut  to  recruit  more.  In  the 
brief  "cash"  entries  he  kept  and  cancelled  in  the  same 
little  book  containing  his  army  diary,  we  notice  pay 
ments  made  to  four  soldiers  as  early  as  November,  "in 
consequence,"  as  each  one  says,  "of  my  inlisting  in  the 
Continental  service  for  another  year."  One  of  them, 
Lemuel  Maynard,  his  drummer,  received  "i  pr.  Deer 
skin  breeches  and  32  shillings."  It  took  time  to  accom 
plish  the  business  in  the  winter  season,  and  it  was  well 
into  January  before  the  second  army  took  shape.  From 
New  London,  John  Hallam  wrote  to  Hale,  December 
10,  that  in  view  of  the  large  demands  for  men,  recruit 
ing  for  his  command  went  on  slowly.  Captain  Dudley 
Saltonstall  was  beating  up  sailors  for  his  Continental 
frigate,  and  privateers  were  fitting  out,  whose  prospects 
of  adventure  and  profits  were  more  attractive  than  ser 
vice  on  land.  It  will  be  noticed  that  Hale  commiserates 
Betsey  Christophers  on  the  social  outlook  for  the  winter, 
there  would  be  so  few  gentlemen  in  town. 

During  these  army  changes,  Washington  permitted 
officers  and  men  to  visit  their  homes,  and  Hale  took  his 
turn  with  the  rest.  On  the  23d  of  December,  first 
brushing  up  with  a  small  outlay  for  "Dressg.  Hat"  and 
"dressg.  hair,"  he  left  camp  for  a  month's  leave  and 
reached  his  father's  house  at  Coventry  on  the  26th.  Of 


IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON  81 

this  visit  we  learn  almost  nothing  from  his  diary,  in  which 
a  break  occurs  from  the  29th  until  his  return  to  Winter 
Hill,  and  we  will  leave  him  at  the  firesides  of  those  he 
loved,  hardly  one  of  whom  was  he  to  see  again.  His 
accounts,  however,  show  that  he  spent  part  of  the  time 
at  other  places,  looking  after  personal  matters  and 
enlistments.  On  January  i,  as  we  infer,  he  was  at  Wind- 
ham;  the  next  day  at  Norwich,  having  his  watch  and 
buckles  repaired;  the  following  day,  in  New  London  once 
more,  where  some  old  dues  for  "Louisa  fox's  schoolg" 
were  paid  him,  and  where  he  stayed  two  or  three  days 
longer,  settling  accounts,  one  entry  reading,  "Maj.  Lati- 
mer  Cr  By  cash  (my  wages)  25.  10.  5. — By  do  (soldiers 
wages)  32.  2.  7."  On  the  8th  he  was  back  at  home;  on 
the  1 6th,  pays  "Sister  Rose"  for  six  pairs  of  mittens  and 
one  of  stockings ;  on  other  days  he  buys  cloth  and  buttons 
for  half-boots,  and  a  black  Barcelona  handkerchief,  pays 
"Miss  Mable.  Gove"  for  making  shirts,  and  has  some 
small  accounts  with  his  brothers  John  and  Joseph.  About 
the  2Oth  another  trip  to  Norwich,  this  time,  perhaps, 
"walking  down  street"  with  classmate  Marvin  and  talk 
ing  about  the  town's  Light  Infantry  Company,  as  Marvin 
writes  on  February  26;  then  on  the  24th,  the  day  he 
leaves  for  camp  again,  the  entry  shows  him  fairly  well 
fitted  out:  "To  Making  &  mending  clothes  o.  14-0,  Mr. 
Lane." 

When  at  New  London,  Hale  missed  his  ensign,  Hurl- 
but,  who  had  returned  to  camp  and  written  him  on  the 
28th:  "I  Joined  our  Company  Last  Sunday  and  found 
them  all  in  Good  Spirits.  I  was  very  much  Disappointed 
in  not  seeing  you  Hear.  I  am  now  a  Going  to  set  out 
for  Bunker  Hill  [on  picket]  But  I  shant  Go  with  so  much 
Pleasure  as  if  you  was  to  Be  with  me."  On  January  4, 
he  is  in  happier  mood:  "Sir  I  hope  the  next  Time  I  see 
you,  it  will  be  in  Boston,  a  Drinking  a  glass  of  wine  with 


82  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

me.  If  we  can  but  have  a  Bridge  we  shall  make  a  Push 
to  Try  our  Brave  Courage." 

On  January  27  Hale  was  back  in  camp  with  recruits, 
to  find  that  his  regiment  was  one  of  the  largest  among 
the  twenty-six  which  formed  the  new  force,  and  that  in 
the  reorganization  it  was  brigaded  with  three  other 
Connecticut  regiments  under  General  Spencer  and  trans 
ferred  to  the  right  wing  at  Roxbury.  His  own  company, 
for  1776,  was  made  up  largely  of  new  men.  Its  roll, 
as  it  stood  in  June  of  that  year,  has  been  published  from 
his  own  papers  in  the  Collections  of  the  Connecticut  His 
torical  Society.  Writing  to  his  brother  Enoch,  on  the  3d, 
he  says  of  it:  "My  company  which  at  first  was  small,  is 
now  increased  to  eighty,  and  there  is  a  Sergeant  recruit 
ing,  who,  I  hope,  has  got  the  other  10  which  compleats 
the  Company."1 

Presently  the  military  situation  changed.  Finding 
themselves  locked  in  at  Boston,  unable  to  utilize  either 
their  army  or  their  navy  effectively,  the  British  deter 
mined  to  abandon  the  contracted  base  for  a  wider  field. 
They  proposed  to  make  New  York  the  center  of  opera 
tions  in  1776,  and  with  powerful  reinforcements  control 
the  line  of  the  Hudson  and  thus  isolate  New  England, 
with  its  large  population  and  resources,  from  the  other 
colonies.  From  that  vantage-point  the  rebellion  was  to 
be  quelled  north  and  south.  Washington  and  his  officers 
fathomed  the  enemy's  intentions,  and  in  January,  Gen 
eral  Lee  was  dispatched  to  New  York  City  to  forestall 
Lord  Howe  and  put  the  place  in  a  state  of  defense.  On 
March  17,  1776,  came  the  first  step  in  the  change  of  base. 
The  British  evacuated  Boston  and  sailed  away  to  Hali 
fax — an  event  that  was  hailed  with  the  greatest  satis- 

1  Many  of  the  soldiers'  pay  or  "wages"  receipts,  as  drawn  up  by  Hale, 
are  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  George  E.  Hoadley,  of  Hartford.  The  last 
one  is  dated  August  31,  1776,  the  day  after  the  retreat  from  Long  Island. 


72V  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON  83 

faction  throughout  the  country  as  a  significant  American 
triumph.  Among  other  officers  Colonel  Jedediah  Hunt- 
ington,  at  the  Roxbury  Camp,  was  made  very  happy  over 
it  and  at  once,  on  the  same  day,  sent  his  congratulations  to 
his  brother  Andrew,  at  Norwich.  "Never  was  Joy 
painted  in  higher  Colours,"  he  writes,  uthan  in  the  Faces 
of  the  Selectmen  of  Boston  &  other  of  the  Inhabitants  of 
that  distressed  Town  when  we  first  had  an  Interview  this 
forenoon — I  have  been  in  several  Parts  of  the  Town — 
there  seems  to  be  much  mischief  done  out  of  mere  Wan 
tonness — saw  several  Holes  where  the  Cannon  shot  from 
our  Lines'  at  Roxbury  had  passed — two  13  Inch  shells 
from  Cobble  Hill  fell  just  over  Mr.  Sherburnes  House  a 
little  above  King's  Chappie — I  just  step'd  into  Mr.  Han 
cocks  to  see  what  Damage  he  had  suffered  expecting  to 
see  every  Thing  laid  waste  but  found  it  much  otherwise — 
all  his  good  Furniture  Family  Pictures  &c  are  preserved 
&  but  little  Hurt  done  to  the  House  or  Gardens  .  .  . 
where  the  enemy  will  get  another  such  Foothold  I  know 
not — my  Love  to  Sister — congratulate  you  on  this  Ac 
quisition — the  oppressed  Town  is  once  more  freed  of  its 
cruel  masters.  .  .  .  ni  Of  course  Hale  was  happy  as 
the  rest  after  his  many  weeks  of  outpost  service  at  the 
front. 

Washington  immediately  began  the  transfer  of  the 
main  portion  of  his  army  to  the  threatened  quarter. 

Just  as  the  military  field  was  thus  widening,  the  vital 
political  issue  of  the  hour  was  looming  larger.  It  was 
a  propitious  moment  for  the  spread  of  the  sentiment  of 
independence,  and  it  spread  rapidly  now  during  the  spring 
of  1776.  The  appearance  of  Thomas  Paine's  pamphlet, 
"Common  Sense,"  with  its  strong  reasons  and  stirring 
words  in  favor  of  the  step,  largely  explained  this  wave 

1  From  the  MS.  letter,  Archives  Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


84  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

of  public  interest,  although  there  was  still  caution  and 
reserve.  Paine  was  read  widely,  with  occasional  press 
comment.  The  papers  seemed  to  be  more  eager  to  call 
attention  to  the  extended  sale  of  the  pamphlet  than  to 
quote  from  its  pages.  "Eight  editions,"  said  the  New  Lon 
don  Gazette  on  March  i,  had  already  within  a  few  weeks 
been  printed  in  the  different  Colonies — one  of  them  from 
the  press  of  the  Gazette  itself — and  by  way  of  spirited 
indorsement  it  republished  this  extract  from  a  Maryland 
paper:  "If  you  know  the  author  of  COMMON  SENSE 
tell  him  he  has  done  wonders  and  worked  miracles,  made 
Tories  WHIGS  and  washed  Blackamores  white.  He  has 
made  a  great  number  of  converts  here.  His  stile  is  plain 
and  nervous;  his  facts  are  true;  his  reasoning  just  and 
conclusive.  .  .  .  Some  time  past  the  idea  [of  separation] 
would  have  struck  us  with  horror;  I  now  see  no  alterna 
tive  ;  it  is  SERVIRE  AUT  DISJUNGE.  Can  any  virtu 
ous  and  brave  American  hesitate  one  moment  in  the 
choice?" 

The  movement  gathered  and  opinion  became  more  out 
spoken.  The  Hartford  Courant,  for  April  8,  said 
briefly  but  unmistakably:  UA  favorite  toast  in  the  best 
companies,  is,  'May  the  INDEPENDENT  principles  of 
COMMON  SENSE  be  confirmed  throughout  the  United 
Colonies.'  '  Connecticut,  officially  through  her  Assem 
bly,  was  an  early  advocate  of  separation,  but  of  open 
individual  discussion  and  "fanning  of  the  flame"  there 
was  less  than  one  might  look  for,  and  it  is  in  connection 
with  this  fact  that  we  insert  here  in  full  a  letter  on  the  sub 
ject  from  Hale's  good  friend  Robinson.  It  is  a  new, 
hitherto  unpublished  contribution,  and  in  view  of  its 
relation  to  the  public  question  of  the  day,  as  well  as  of 
the  expressions  of  the  writer's  high  personal  regard,  it 
may  be  ranked  as  the  most  important  piece  of  the  Hale 
correspondence : 


IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON  85 

ROBINSON  TO  HALE,  ON  THE  QUESTION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

NEW  HAVEN  Feb*  19th,  1776 
Dear  Sir 

I  dare  say  you  will  readily  allow  that  from  my  pres 
ent  studies  &  my  future  designs  in  Life  I  may  claim  a 
right  to  an  equal  share  with  the  Soldier  in  those  tender 
feelings  of  Friendship  which  in  yours  of  the  9th  Inst. 
you  justly  observe  "ought  to  be  his  distinguishing  char 
acteristic"  &  that  I  may  with  equal  propriety  "converse 
with  my  Friends  without  flattery  &  write  to  them  with 
out  apology" — That  I  have  ever  since  the  commence 
ment  of  our  intimate  acquaintance  convers'd  with  you 
in  this  way  you  are  yourself  my  witness  &  that  I  shall 
still  continue  the  same  in  my  Letters  you  will  need  no 
further  proof  than  you  at  this  instant  hold  in  your  hand. 

You  are  pleas'd  with  your  conditions  &  companions 
&  are  therefore  happy.  I  rejoice  at  it  with  all  my  heart 
&  sincerely  wish  that  your  happiness  may  continue  a 
long  time  tho'  in  some  other  situation  (ie)  I  wish  we 
may  not  long  need  your  service  in  the  Field  but  that  our 
injured  bleeding  country  may  shortly  be  delivered  from 
her  present  melancholy  situation  &  how  my  dear  Friend 
shall  we  hope  this  event  so  much  to  be  desired  so  ear 
nestly  to  be  sought  for  by  everyone  is  to  be  brought 
about?  is  it  by  a  reconciliation  with  the  (falsly  call'd) 
parent  state?  that  cannot,  it  is  not  to  be  expected. 

The  King  is  still  stretching  (as  he  is  pleas'd  to  call 
it)  his  rod  of  paternal  Authority  over  us — the  Ministry 
seem  fully  determined  upon  driving  matters  to  the  last 
extremity — the  corrupt  &  venal  Parliament  are  almost 
intirely  in  their  interest  &  have  resolv'd  to  support  his 
sacred  Majesty  in  the  full  exertion  of  his  royal  Author 
ity — there  is  indeed  a  small  minority  in  our  favour,  which 
is  indeed  but  as  the  small  dust  of  the  balance  for  I'm 
sure  they  weigh  nothing  in  the  scale  which  like  Homer's 


86  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Troy  "strikes  the  sky."  from  this  quarter  then  we  can 
derive  no  relief. 

Since  then  we  must  at  all  events  have  War  &  that 
without  any  alternative  it  stands  us  in  hand  attentively 
to  consider  what  steps  may  be  pursued  with  the  great 
est  probability  of  success  and  to  go  into  them  without 
hesitation. 

Whether  we  ought  in  point  of  advantage  to  declare 
ourselves  an  independent  state  &  fight  as  independents 
or  still  continue  to  resist  as  subjects  is  a  question  which 
has  of  late  very  much  engross'd  in  these  parts  the  con 
versation  of  every  rank  more  especially  since  the  appear 
ance  of  a  little  Pamphlet  entitled  common  sense — Ap- 
propos  of  common  sense  have  you  seen  it?  Upon  my 
word  'tis  well  done. — 'tis  what  would  be  common  sense 
were  not  most  Men  so  blinded  by  their  prejudices  that 
their  sense  of  things  is  not  what  it  ought  to  be. — I  con 
fess  a  perusal  of  it  has  much  reform'd  my  notions  upon 
several  points  &  I  hope  it  may  have  the  same  effect  upon 
many  others — I  own  myself  a  staunch  independent  and 
ground  my  principles  upon  almost  innumerable  argu 
ments. — I  can  see  no  one  advantage  we  now  have  that 
would  be  less[e]ned  by  such  a  declaration,  but  many  that 
we  now  have  not  which  we  would  derive  from  it. — I 
sincerely  believe  that  it  would  be  the  shortest  method  of 
bringing  the  War  to  an  end  and  would  in  fine  prove 
the  salvation  &  glory  of  the  Continent — 

Dear  Nathan  the  society  only  of  a  few  old  Friends 
is  wanting  to  render  my  situation  here  perfectly  agree 
able.  I  study  or  divert  myself  as  I  please  &  am  at  Lib 
erty  from  all  the  World:  &  now  I'm  speaking  of  my 
old  Friends  Pray  can  you  forward  me  a  Letter  to  Revd. 
Mr.  Samson.  I'll  thank  you  if  you'll  take  the  trouble 
to  inquire  for  him  &  if  you  find  it  practicable  inform 
me  of  it,  perhaps  you  may  get  information  from  Lieut. 
Col.  Alden  of  Duxbury  whose  station  the  last  summer 


IN  CAMP  NEAR  BOSTON  87 

was  at  Roxbury  &  in  whose  regiment  Mr.  Sampson  was 
occasionally   Chaplain. — 

I  remain  your  sincere  Friend 

W  ROBINSON 
Mr  Dwight 

sends  you  a  subscription  paper 
for  printing  his  Poem.     Pray  get 
as  many  subscribers  as 
possible  that  we  may  soon 
have  it  out — x 

This  letter  is  especially  interesting  as  showing  what 
people  were  talking  about  at  the  college  town  of  New 
Haven.  It  properly  belongs  to  the  correspondence  of  the 
times.  We  would  not  miss  the  "Dear  Nathan,"  but 
Robinson's  political  philosophy  is  the  key-note,  and  the 
sidelight  he  throws  upon  "conversation"  around  him  and 
the  conservatism  and  "prejudices"  of  men  is  worth 
having.  Robinson  was  then  studying  at  Yale  under  the 
Berkeley  scholarship,  Sampson  not  availing  himself  of  it, 
and  within  the  college  circle  he  must  have  found  the 
general  sentiment  in  accord  with  his  own.  There  was 
"sedition"  enough  now  floating  about  the  seminary  halls. 
The  patriotic  Daggett,  Dwight,  Humphreys,  Alden,  and 
others  were  there,  doubtless  as  "staunch  independents" 
as  Robinson,  and  as  eagerly  absorbing  "Common  Sense." 
Our  young  Captain  was  with  them  in  spirit.  We  can 
imagine  the  appreciation  and  enthusiasm  with  which  he 
answered  his  classmate's  letter. 

1  From  the  collection  of  the  late  Mr.  W.  F.  Havemeyer,  of  New 
York.  The  letter  is  addressed  "To  Cap*.  Nathan  Hale,  Roxbury 
Camp — By  Cap*.  Perrit,"  and  indorsed  by  Hale. 


VI 


WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  NEW  YORK— DEFEAT  ON 
LONG  ISLAND 

The  Boston  army  marched  to  New  York  by  brigades, 
following  each  other  at  brief  intervals.  The  first  to  start 
was  a  specially  organized  command  under  General  Heath 
and  included  Hale's  regiment,  Webb's  "Nineteenth." 
Webb's  marching  orders,  signed  by  Horatio  Gates,  then 
Washington's  adjutant-general,  have  been  preserved. 
Leaving  Roxbury  March  18  with  five  days'  cooked 
rations,  the  troops  were  to  proceed  by  way  of  Mann's  to 
Providence  and  thence  by  way  of  Green's  and  Burn- 
ham's,  well-known  inns,  to  Norwich,  a  distance  of  ninety- 
three  miles,  which  Heath  reports,  the  condition  of  the 
roads  considered,  they  covered  "with  great  expedition." 
On  the  26th  the  troops  were  at  New  London  and  Hale 
found  himself  for  a  third  time  among  the  friends  of  his 
school-teaching  days  and  in  the  community  from  which  he 
had  volunteered  for  the  field.  But  there  was  little  time 
for  greeting  or  reminiscence,  as  the  local  Gazette  states 
that  on  the  following  day  they  all  "embarked  in  high 
spirits  on  board  15  transports  and  sailed  for  New  York." 
Leisurely  floating  up  the  Sound,  they  reached  the  East 
River  in  the  forenoon  of  the  3Oth  and,  as  Heath  again 
tells  us,  disembarked  at  Turtle  Bay,  a  convenient  landing- 
place  at  the  foot  of  present  Forty-fifth  Street,  a  little 
south  of  Blackwell's  Island. 

As  Hale  stepped  lightly  ashore  with  his  company  and 
casually  took  in  the  surroundings,  he  saw  near  by  an  old 
powder-house  and  beyond  it  perhaps  the  remains  of  a 


WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  NEW  YORK  89 

former  garrison  camp,  while  just  above  stood  attract 
ively  James  Beekman's  handsome  mansion  and  cultivated 
grounds.  Little  did  he  dream  that  the  shifting  events 
of  the  next  five  months  and  a  half  would  force  this  same 
scene  upon  his  view  again  with  a  sudden  and  pitiless  real 
ity!  From  that  mansion  he  was  to  receive  his  death 
sentence,  and  but  a  mile  away  from  where  he  was  stand 
ing,  with  enemies  instead  of  friends  about  him,  he  was  to 
meet  his  tragic  death. 

From  Turtle  Bay  the  troops  marched  into  New  York 
City  and  quartered  in  barracks  and  vacant  houses.  In 
the  course  of  two  weeks  the  other  brigades  arrived. 
Washington,  not  trusting  to  transports,  rode  down  the 
shore  road  from  New  London  and  reached  the  city  April 
13.  From  this  time  until  the  battle  of  Long  Island  in 
August  the  business  in  hand  for  the  American  forces  was 
to  fortify  their  new  position.  The  military  problem  pre 
sented  more  complications  than  at  Boston.  There  the 
object  had  been  to  drive  the  enemy  out  of  a  city;  here 
the  effort  must  be  made  to  prevent  them  from  occupying 
one.  As  New  York  was  open  to  a  combined  attack  at 
more  than  one  point  by  the  British  fleet  and  land  forces, 
the  difficulties  of  the  defense  were  greatly  increased.  To 
protect  the  city  from  direct  bombardment  it  became  neces 
sary  to  throw  one  wing  of  the  American  army  over  to 
the  Long  Island  or  Brooklyn  side  of  the  East  River  and 
by  its  partial  isolation  weaken  the  entire  line.  This  was 
the  defect  in  Washington's  new  position,  but  it  was  felt, 
and  wisely  held  both  in  Congress  and  the  army,  that  the 
moral  effect  of  the  voluntary  abandonment  of  so  impor 
tant  a  center  would  work  more  seriously  than  defeat  in 
attempting  to  hold  it.  The  enemy  were  to  be  met  at  the 
coast  where  they  landed  and  every  inch  of  soil  disputed 
with  them.  This  was  the  key-note  of  the  campaign  of 
1776. 


go  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

In  following  Hale's  experiences  in  this  new  field,  we 
miss  the  two  sources  of  information  and  personal  inci 
dent  available  for  1775.  The  entries  in  his  diary  for 
1776  are  few  and  scattered  and  most  of  his  correspond 
ence  has  disappeared.  Of  his  own  letters  for  this  year, 
three  exist.  In  various  other  records,  however,  his  regi 
ment  is  referred  to.  On  April  2,  three  days  after  its 
arrival,  General  Heath  reviewed  his  brigade  "on  the  green 
near  the  Liberty  pole."  The  men,  we  are  told,  "made  a 
martial  appearance,  being  well  armed,  and  went  through 
their  exercise  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  a  great  con 
course  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city."  The  green  was 
the  present  City  Hall  Park,  then  much  larger  in  area  and 
generally  called  "the  fields,"  or  common,  while  the 
liberty-pole,  which  in  earlier  years  Sons  of  Liberty  set  up 
as  often  as  British  soldiers  cut  it  down,  stood  near  the 
spot  where  Hale's  statue  now  stands.  In  the  review  he 
must  have  marched  over  the  site.  As  summer  approached 
and  troops  kept  coming  in,  they  were  encamped  in  tents 
outside  of  the  city  and  on  the  Long  Island  front.  Heath's 
brigade,  which  passed  successively  under  Generals  Stir 
ling's  and  Sullivan's  command  and  later  under  General 
McDougall's,  was  stationed  early  in  May  at  about  the 
center  of  the  defenses  thrown  up  across  the  island  along 
the  Bowery  at  that  point,  with  Webb's  regiment  appar 
ently  on  the  west  side  of  the  road.  Of  the  three  redoubts 
it  was  to  man,  one  was  on  a  high  hill  known  as  Bayard's 
Mount,  but  which  the  British  during  their  occupation 
called  Bunker  Hill.  It  was  in  its  vicinity  that  Hale  would 
have  been  found  during  the  greater  part  of  this  cam 
paign. 

On  July  9 — quoting  once  more  from  Heath's  valu 
able  memoirs — "At  evening  roll-call  the  declaration 
of  the  Congress,  declaring  the  United  Colonies  FREE, 

SOVEREIGN,  AND  INDEPENDENT  STATES,  was  published  at 


WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  NEW  YORK  gi 

the  head  of  the  respective  brigades  in  camp,  and  received 
with  loud  huzzas."  The  inevitable  issue  was  joined  at 
last,  a  new  nation  was  proclaimed,  and  no  one,  we  ven 
ture  to  say,  gave  a  more  responsive  cheer  than  our  young 
captain,  who  felt  for  the  first  time  that  whatever  sacrifice 
he  might  be  called  upon  to  make,  it  could  now  be  made 
in  the  name  of  all  that  the  colonies  ought  to  fight  for. 
None  could  rejoice  more  heartily  with  him  than  William 
Robinson,  with  his  faith  in  the  doctrine  and  counsel  of 
"Common  Sense." 

For  a  short  time,  in  April  or  May,  Hale's  regiment 
was  stationed  on  Long  Island,  where  there  were  works 
to  build  and  tories  to  watch.  Many  of  the  latter  were 
arrested  and  removed  under  guard  to  other  parts.  Hale 
entertaining  a  true  Whig's  opinion  of  them.  "It  would 
grieve  every  good  man,"  he  writes  to  his  brother  Enoch, 
May  30,  "to  consider  what  unnatural  monsters  we  have 
as  it  were  in  our  bowels.  Numbers  in  this  Colony,  and 
likewise  in  the  western  part  of  Connecticut,  would  be 
glad  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  their  country's  blood." 
With  more  satisfaction  he  touches  on  other  points,  June 
3  :  "It  gives  pleasure  to  every  friend  of  his  country  to 
observe  the  health  which  prevails  in  our  army.  .  .  . 
The  army  is  every  day  improving  in  discipline,  and  it  is 
hoped  will  soon  be  able  to  meet  the  enemy  at  any  kind  of 
play.  My  company,  which  at  first  was  small,  is  now 
increased  to  eighty,  and  there  is  a  sergeant  recruiting, 
who,  I  hope,  has  got  the  other  ten  which  completes  the 
Company.  We  are  hardly  able  to  judge  as  to  the  num 
bers  the  British  army  for  the  summer  is  to  consist  of — 
undoubtedly  sufficient  to  cause  too  much  bloodshed." 
These  are  brief  sentences,  but  they  continue  to  reflect 
Hale's  unwavering  tone.  He  is  observing,  stout-hearted, 
confident,  ready  to  meet  the  enemy  "at  any  kind  of  play." 

Enoch  Hale's  replies  to  his  "brother  Captain,"  as  he 


92  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

called  him,  are  not  at  hand.  That  he  wrote  to  him  sev 
eral  times  at  this  period  appears  from  his  own  brief  diary. 
Having  entered  the  ministry,  Enoch  was  now  beginning 
to  preach,  filling  pulpits  temporarily  at  different  places. 
As  a  member  of  a  patriotic  family,  he  was  interested  in  all 
that  was  going  on  and  added  his  encouragement  to  the 
cause.  "Go  to  training,  pray  with  the  soldiers,"  is  one 
of  his  entries.  "Preach  to  the  soldiers  before  they 
march"  is  another.  On  June  19  he  notes  that  his  brother 
John  "has  received  a  letter  from  Nathan,  dated  iyth  at 
New  York;  has  sent  one  for  me  by  the  way  of  Norwich — 
not  received  yet."  From  July  23  to  26  he  was  in 
New  Haven  attending  Commencement.  He  called  on 
the  President,  saw  Mr.  Dwight,  dined  with  classmate 
Hillhouse,  lodged  with  classmate  Robinson,  took  tea  at 
"Rev.  Edwards"  and  "Rev.  Whittlesey's"  and  obtained 
the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  for  himself  and  the  captain. 
"Write  to  brother  to  tell  him  I  have  got  him  his  degree." 
Many  questions,  of  course,  these  good  college  friends  had 
to  ask  about  Nathan  and  how  he  fared  in  the  army,  and 
probably  they  heard  nothing  more  of  him  until  the  dis 
tressing  news  came  in  two  months  later. 

To  the  disappointment  of  the  spirited  young  officers 
in  the  American  army,  no  more  opportunities  for  dis 
tinguishing  themselves  in  minor  affairs  offered  here  at 
New  York  than  at  the  siege  of  Boston.  Active  cam 
paigning  did  not  open  until  the  end  of  the  summer.  Pre 
liminary  skirmishes,  dashes  at  picket  posts,  bold  recon- 
noitering,  and  surprises  were  out  of  the  question  before 
the  battle  of  Long  Island.  Hale,  it  will  appear,  seems 
to  have  missed  the  chances  of  this  kind  which  warfare 
usually  presents.  How  much  credit,  accordingly,  is  to  be 
given  to  accounts  which  make  him  the  leader  in  a  clever 
exploit  early  in  the  season,  it  is  difficult  to  say.  It  is 
stated  that  he  performed  the  feat  of  cutting  out  a  sloop 


WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  NEW  YORK  93 

loaded  with  supplies  from  under  the  guns  of  the  British 
man-of-war  Asia,  then  lying  in  the  East  River,  and  dis 
tributing  the  clothes  and  provisions  to  needy  soldiers  of 
the  army.  That  he  was  capable  of  such  a  capture  will  be 
taken  for  granted,  but  most  probably  the  incident  has 
come  down  in  an  exaggerated  form  or  has  been  confused 
with  some  other  affair.1  Many  of  Hale's  company  being 
sailors,  they  were  detailed  from  time  to  time  to  man 
whale-boats  patrolling  the  harbor  and  surrounding  shores, 
and  a  few,  with  one  or  two  officers,  are  reported  as  being 
in  the  privateering  service.  Beyond  this  the  regiment  was 
on  almost  constant  duty  with  the  other  troops  on  the  lines 
around  the  city  or  on  Governor's  Island. 

Presently,  on  June  28,  the  enemy  arrived.  In  a  few 
weeks  they  numbered  twenty-five  thousand,  with  a  power 
ful  fleet  to  cooperate.  Their  camps  were  scattered  over 
Staten  Island.  Washington's  force  was  somewhat  larger, 
but,  with  its  many  militiamen,  far  less  effective.  The 
expectation  and  suspense  in  the  American  camp  were 
aggravated  by  Lord  Howe's  leisurely  delay  in  prepar 
ing  to  advance.  It  was  not  until  August  22  that  he 
moved.  The  last  note  we  have  from  Hale  was  dated 
two  days  before.  To  his  brother  he  wrote :  "I  have  only 
time  for  a  hasty  letter.  Our  situation  has  been  such  this 
fortnight  or  more  as  scarce  to  admit  of  writing.  .  .  . 
For  about  six  or  eight  days  the  enemy  have  been  expected 
hourly  whenever  the  wind  and  tide  in  the  least  favored. 
We  keep  a  particular  look  out  for  them  this  morning. 
The  place  and  manner  of  attack  time  must  determine. 
The  event  we  leave  to  Heaven." 

The  first  collision  with  the  enemy — the  battle  of  Long 
Island — occurred  on  August  27.  Lord  Howe,  at  Staten 
Island,  had  been  studying  the  American  position  for  sev- 

1  Some  facts  in  the  case  are  given  in  Chapter  VIII. 


94  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

eral  weeks  and  rightly  concluded  that  its  vulnerable  point 
lay  in  the  detached  left  wing  on  the  Brooklyn  side.  A 
successful  attack  there  would  result  in  the  capture  of  some 
thousands  of  Washington's  men,  or,  if  unsuccessful,  the 
British  could  march  on  to  the  vicinity  of  Hell  Gate,  and 
by  threatening  the  American  flank  and  rear  at  Harlem 
or  beyond,  compel  the  surrender  of  New  York.  Accord 
ingly,  with  the  bulk  of  his  army,  twenty-two  thousand  or 
more  effectives,  Howe  crossed  the  Narrows  to  Gravesend 
beach  and  prepared  to  push  three  columns  against  the 
Brooklyn  outposts  and  fortified  lines.  The  latter  ran 
through  the  heart  of  the  present  city.  One  column 
moved  toward  the  site  of  Greenwood  Cemetery,  another 
to  Flatbush  and  the  lower  edge  of  Prospect  Park,  while 
the  third  and  strongest,  under  Howe  in  person,  was  held 
in  position  further  east.  As  soon  as  Washington  was 
assured  that  this  was  no  feint,  but  a  determined  advance, 
he  hurried  troops  across  to  the  exposed  flank  and  engaged 
the  enemy  in  skirmishes  on  the  roads.  On  the  night  of 
the  26th  Howe  marched  his  third  column  far  out  to  his 
right,  encircled  the  American  pickets,  captured  the  patrol 
of  five  officers  looking  out  for  him,  and  early  on  the  fol 
lowing  morning  reached  a  point  between  the  American 
works  and  the  three  thousand  American  troops  at  the 
outposts  on  the  grounds  of  the  cemetery  and  the  park. 
Finding  themselves  outflanked  and  almost  surrounded, 
these  troops  made  a  dash  to  the  rear  to  regain  their 
works,  and  in  the  running  fight  that  followed  and  in  the 
stand  made  here  and  there  by  separate  parties  in  the 
woods  and  fields  we  have  the  battle  of  Long  Island. 
Washington  lost  about  eleven  hundred  men  that  morn 
ing,  two  thirds  of  them  prisoners,  and  on  the  night  of 
the  29th,  the  position  proving  untenable,  he  made  his 
famous  retreat  back  to  New  York.  The  skill  with  which 
this  was  effected  and  the  chagrin  of  the  enemy  at  the  loss 


WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  NEW  YORK  95 

of  their  opportunity  compensated  partially,  in  moral 
effect,  for  the  disaster  of  the  27th. 

Hale's  regiment  did  not  participate  in  this  battle. 
McDougall's  brigade,  to  which  it  then  belonged,  was  one 
of  the  commands  which  had  been  sent  over  one  or  two 
days  before,  but  it  was  retained  within  the  works  to  repel 
an  expected  assault  by  the  enemy  after  their  success  in 
the  open.  Hale  and  his  comrades,  however,  must  have 
been  able  to  witness  much  of  the  fighting,  and  on  the  night 
of  the  retreat,  with  the  sailors  in  the  companies  to  dis 
tribute  among  the  boats,  they  probably  had  their  hands 
full.  We  should  look  for  some  description  of  these 
exciting  events  in  the  captain's  diary,  but  here  that 
already  broken'  record  stops  short.  The  closing  entry, 
dated  August  23,  as  given  in  his  diary  among  his  papers, 
mentions  the  skirmishing  on  Long  Island,  and,  so  far  as 
known,  this  is  the  last  item  of  military  news  we  have 
under  his  own  hand. 

Hale  was  now  twenty-one  years  old,  and  commanding 
a  company  seventy  or  eighty  strong.  It  has  been  ob 
served  by  writers  that  the  Revolution  was  fought  out 
largely  by  young  men,  which  is  substantially  true  of  all 
long  wars.  Our  schoolmaster-captain  was  hardly  a 
veteran  as  yet,  but  fourteen  months  with  the  army  had 
made  him  something  of  a  seasoned  soldier  who  under 
stood  his  duties  and  impressed  his  superiors.  His  own 
company  he  doubtless  held  well  in  hand  by  firm  and  kind 
methods  and  the  force  of  his  own  example.  Such  a 
spirit  would  wish  for  men  who  could  be  depended  upon 
in  action,  and  we  know  that  already  there  was  some  fight 
ing  material  developing  in  his  little  command.  His  brave 
boy-sergeant,  Fosdick,  mentioned  in  Hale's  last  letter, 
could  dare  to  run  a  fire-raft  against  a  British  man-of-war, 
and  presently  he  will  be  fighting  in  Knowlton's  Rangers. 
His  ensign,  George  Hurlbut,  subsequently  promoted  a  cav- 


96  NATHAN  HALE, 

airy  captain,  was  to  be  mortally  wounded  in  saving  a  store- 
ship  in  the  Hudson,  not  far  above  the  scene  of  Fosdick's 
exploit.  Washington's  orders  mention  him  and  his  com 
rades  on  the  occasion  as  "entitled  to  the  most  distin 
guished  notice  and  applause  from  their  general.'1  His 
faithful  sergeant,  Stephen  Hempstead,  to  be  referred  to 
again,  barely  survived  the  terrible  wounds  he  received  at 
the  defense  of  Fort  Ledyard  and  in  the  massacre  of  its 
garrison.  What  these  fine  fellows  thought  of  their  cap 
tain  is  a  matter  of  record.  All  three  were  happy  in  serv 
ing  under  him.  Hale's  new  first  lieutenant,  Charles 
Webb,  Jr.,  the  colonel's  son,  was  to  fall  some  months 
later  in  a  hand-to-hand  whale-boat  encounter  in  the  Sound. 
So,  too,  as  the  emergency  called  for  additional  troops, 
there  came  down  to  camp  several  more  of  Hale's 
friends — a  number  having  been  with  him  at  the  Boston 
siege — filled  with  the  same  bright  hopes  for  their  coun 
try,  some  of  whom  were  to  win  laurels.  His  uncle  Joseph 
and  cousin  Nathan  Strong,  mentioned  in  previous  chap 
ters,  appeared  as  chaplains  for  brief  terms,  and  one  or 
more  of  his  brothers  and  some  relatives  from  Ashford 
and  Canterbury  served  with  the  militia.  General  Gur- 
don  Saltonstall  and  his  son  Gilbert,  Hale's  faithful  corre 
spondent,  arrived  with  a  New  London  county  brigade 
only  in  time  to  hear  of  their  friend's  cruel  fate.  Gilbert 
subsequently  entered  the  privateer  service,  and  was  sev 
eral  times  wounded  in  an  action  with  a  British  cruiser, 
which  in  desperation  and  casualties  recalled  the  sea-fights 
of  Paul  Jones.  Among  college  mates,  Tallmadge,  like 
Hale,  now  broke  away  from  his  school  desk  and  took  the 
field  as  adjutant.  He  was  to  become  a  quite  famous  major 
of  dragoons,  and  be  taken  into  Washington's  confidence  in 
the  management  of  important  secret  services  during  the 
war.  Schoolmasters  Alden  and  Marvin,  and  Mr.  Dwight 
as  chaplain,  followed  in  1777.  Wyllys,  salutatorian  at 


WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  NEW  YORK  97 

Hale's  Commencement,  was  also  here.  When  New  York 
fell  in  September,  it  was  his  fate  to  be  captured  and  held 
a  prisoner  in  the  city  at  the  time  his  classmate  was  exe 
cuted.  Still  other  friends  and  acquaintances  now  in 
camp  were  Isaac  Sherman,  William  Hull,  and  Ezra  Sel- 
den,  who,  as  battalion  and  company  commanders,  were 
to  rush  with  Wayne  into  the  enemy's  stronghold  at  Stony 
Point — the  most  brilliant  affair  of  the  war.  Had  Hale 
lived,  the  promise  of  like  service  and  promotion  was 
before  him.  Not  that  he  would  have  sought  military 
honors  as  such,  for  a  professional  soldier  he  never  could 
have  become;  but  with  his  talents,  aptitude,  personal 
presence,  and  devotion  to  the  cause,  he  could  hardly  have 
retired  at  the  end  with  less  distinction  than  his  compan 
ions.  He  was  to  be  cut  down,  however,  at  the  threshold, 
and  an  unexpected  and  peculiarly  precious  remembrance 
held  in  reserve  for  him.  The  strong  purpose  and  action, 
which  have  given  to  the  world  its  martyrs  and  patriots, 
work  out  their  end  in  their  own  way  and  their  own  time. 
For  Hale  the  occasion  was  to  come  in  the  next  twenty 
days. 


VII 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES— CAPTURE  AND 
EXECUTION 

At  no  period  of  the  war  was  Washington  oppressed 
with  keener  anxieties  or  a  heavier  responsibility  than  dur 
ing  the  twenty  days  immediately  following  the  battle  of 
Long  Island.  As  New  York  was  now  practically  at  the 
mercy  of  the  enemy — their  guns  on  Brooklyn  Heights 
commanding  the  city — all  the  preparations  of  the  sum 
mer  had  come  to  naught.  The  blow  fell  with  depressing 
effect  on  both  army  and  country.  To  restore  confidence, 
repair  losses,  and  provide  against  further  defeat  required 
herculean  exertion.  The  faithful  chief  still  hoped  to 
maintain  the  same  brave  front,  and  to  cling  to  every  foot 
of  the  soil  he  had  been  called  to  defend,  when  a  new 
problem  was  presented  in  the  changed  military  situation. 
It  was  seen  to  be  full  of  danger.  Within  a  week,  or  by 
September  6,  the  British  had  extended  their  camps  on 
the  Long  Island  side  from  Brooklyn  to  Newtown  and 
Hell  Gate,  a  distance  of  seven  miles  or  more,  while  their 
fleet  threatened  the  city  from  below.  Where  Washing 
ton  before  had  been  facing  south,  with  Howe  on  Staten 
Island,  he  now  found  himself  in  effect  facing  east,  with 
the  narrow  East  River  alone  between  him  and  his  antago 
nist.  Safety  seemed  to  lie  in  the  instant  abandonment  of 
New  York  and  all  the  island  below  the  line  of  Harlem. 

Unwilling  to  retreat  until  driven  by  superior  force,  the 
American  generals  held  a  council  of  war  on  the  yth,  and 
determined  to  defend  their  entire  position,  both  city  and 
island.  This  decision,  which  has  been  criticized  as  unmili- 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  99 

tary  and  almost  inexplicable,  was  to  be  reversed  four 
days  later,  but  the  troops  were  not  all  withdrawn  from 
the  city  until  the  I5th.  Washington,  more  than  any  one 
else,  recognized  the  risks  involved.  Against  them  he  also 
balanced  the  chances  in  his  favor,  as  they  varied  from 
day  to  day  and  from  hour  to  hour.  The  imminent  danger 
was  twofold.  As  long  as  it  could  be  observed  that  the 
British  were  not  collecting  a  flotilla  of  boats  for  crossing, 
the  American  army  was  comparatively  safe.  One  tide 
at  night,  however,  might  bring  them  up  from  the  bay, 
in  which  case  another  surprise  would  be  possible.  Three 
ships,  the  Le  Brune,  Niger,  and  brig  Halifax,  had  sailed 
around  from  the  Narrows  into  the  Sound  and  anchored 
above  New  Rochelle  on  the  afternoon  of  the  battle,  and 
their  boats  would  be  available.  The  American  wing 
about  Harlem  and  the  troops  below  would  thus  be  threat 
ened  by  way  of  the  present  Blackwells,  Wards,  and  Ran 
dalls  Islands,  while  the  entire  army  might  be  hemmed 
in  on  Manhattan  Island  by  a  more  northerly  move  across 
to  the  Westchester  shore  and  a  rapid  march  to  White 
Plains  or  upon  Kingsbridge.  In  either  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  British  it  was  of  the  first  importance  to  antici 
pate  them. 

With  this  critical  situation  continuing  during  the  first 
two  weeks  of  September,  Washington's  suspense  in 
creased.  If  he  had  been  anxious  to  fathom  Howe's 
plans  before  the  latter  began  the  campaign  from  Staten 
Island,  he  was  far  more  so  now.  It  was  not  enough  to 
keep  a  ceaseless  watch  across  the  East  River.  Works 
and  camps  were  here  and  there  in  open  view,  but  what 
was  going  on  behind  them?  When  and  where  was  the 
next  blow  to  fall? 

What  Washington  sought  for  was  information — full, 
accurate,  and  speedy  information  that  would  throw  light 
on  Howe's  designs.  Like  every  other  commander  in  his- 


ioo  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

tory,  all  through  the  contest  he  came  to  depend  much  on 
intelligence  gained  through  the  "secret  service."1  Authori 
ties  on  war  make  the  spy  an  essential  of  war,  especially  jus 
tifying  his  utilization  by  an  army  defending  a  great  cause 
and  its  own  soil.  This  had  already  been  done  in  the 
present  campaign.  As  early  as  July  14,  General  Hugh 
Mercer  reported  his  regret  to  Washington  that  he  could 
find  no  one  qualified  to  enter  the  camp  of  the  British  then 
recently  arrived.  On  August  21,  however,  General 
William  Livingston  relieved  him  with  the  despatch: 
"Very  providentially  I  sent  a  spy  last  night  on  Staten 
Island  to  obtain  intelligence.  He  has  this  moment 
returned  in  safety."  So  now,  on  September  i,  the  chief 
urged  Generals  Heath  and  George  Clinton  to  establish 
"a  channel  of  information"  through  which  frequent 
reports  from  the  Long  Island  side  could  reach  him. 
"Perhaps,"  he  writes,  "some  might  be  got  who  are  really 
Tories  for  a  reasonable  reward  to  undertake  it.  Those 
who  are  friends  would  be  preferable,  if  they  could  man 
age  it  as  well."  More  anxiously  and  hurriedly  he  wrote 
on  the  5th:  "As  everything  in  a  manner  depends  on 
obtaining  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  motions,  I  do  most 
earnestly  entreat  you  and  General  Clinton  to  exert  your 
selves  to  accomplish  this  most  desirable  end.  Leave  no 
stone  unturned,  nor  do  not  stick  at  expense  to  bring  this 
to  pass,  as  I  was  never  more  uneasy  than  on  account  of 
my  want  of  knowledge  on  this  score.  .  .  .  Keep  con 
stant  lookouts,  with  good  glasses,  on  some  commanding 
heights  that  look  well  on  to  the  other  shore,  and  espe 
cially  into  the  bays,  where  boats  can  be  concealed,  that 
they  may  observe,  more  particularly  in  the  evening,  if 

1  On  this  point  consult  article,  "The  Secret  Service  of  the  Revolution," 
in  Magazine  of  American  History,  February,  1882.  It  there  appears  how 
far  Major  Tallmadge,  Hale's  classmate,  assisted  Washington  in  the 
business. 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  101 

there  be  any  uncommon  movements.  Much  will  depend 
upon  early  intelligence,  and  meeting  the  enemy  before 
they  can  intrench.  I  should  much  approve  of  small 
harassing  parties,  stealing,  as  it  were,  over  in  the  night, 
as  they  might  keep  the  enemy  alarmed,  and  more  than 
probably  bring  off  a  prisoner,  from  whom  some  valuable 
intelligence  may  be  obtained."1  Heath  and  Clinton 
promptly  responded.  The  latter  attempted  something  in 
person,  by  going  to  New  Rochelle  to  lead  a  scouting  party 
of  one  hundred  men  to  Long  Island  on  the  night  of  the 
9th,  but  he  found  the  Halifax  with  three  sloop  tenders 
lying  in  his  course  and  he  was  stopped.  The  most  he 
could  do  was  to  send  over  two  men  who  solemnly  en 
gaged  "to  run  every  risk  to  gain  the  necessary  intelli 
gence."2  Heath  rode  down  to  the  shore  to  see  that 
pickets  and  outposts  were  on  the  watch. 

It  is  here,  in  this  emergency,  that  we  come  to  what 
proved  to  be  the  turning  point  in  Hale's  career.  As  in 
the  case  of  many  other  officers  in  the  after  years  of  the 
war,  he  was  temporarily  transferred  from  his  own  regi 
ment  to  another  command.  Ordinarily  this  would  be  no 
more  than  an  interesting  fact  in  his  soldier  experience, 
but  its  relation  to  the  anxieties  felt  at  headquarters  and 

1  This  interesting  letter  appears  in  the  "Heath  Papers,"  p.  283,  Massa 
chusetts   Historical   Society   Collections. 

2  "Public  Papers  of  George  Clinton,"  etc.,  Revolution  Series,  Vol.  I, 
p.  343. 

Washington  showed  the  same  anxiety  at  the  close  of  the  campaign 
when  he  was  forced  to  retreat  through  the  Jerseys  and  across  the  Dela 
ware  at  Trenton.  Wishing  to  know  whether  the  enemy  intended  to  follow 
him  immediately,  he  wrote  to  General  Ewirig,  December  14,  in  the  same 
vein  as  here  to  Heath  and  Clinton:  "Everything  in  a  manner  depends 
on  the  defense  at  the  Water  Edge.  .  .  .  Let  me  entreat  you  to  Cast 
about  to  find  out  some  person  who  can  be  engaged  to  Cross  the  River 
as  a  Spy,  that  we  may,  if  possible,  obtain  some  knowledge  of  the  Enemy's 
Situation,  movements  and  intentions.  .  .  .  Expense  must  not  be  Spared 
.  .  .  and  will  readily  be  paid  by  me." 


102  NATHAti  HALE,  1776 

to  the  situation  in  which  the  army  was  just  then  placed, 
unwittingly  made  the  change  a  matter  of  vital  conse 
quence  to  himself.  The  new  command  was  a  small  body 
then  recently  organized  for  special  light  and  scouting 
service,  which  will  be  recognized  by  those  familiar  with 
these  movements  as  "Knowlton's  Rangers."  Such  ran 
gers  had  been  effective  in  the  French  and  Indian  War. 
Among  their  daring  leaders  were  Captains  Robert 
Rogers  and  Israel  Putnam.  They  had  served  as  the  eyes 
of  the  old  frontier  army  under  Amherst  and  Abercrom- 
bie,  and  it  was  just  such  trusty  and  fearless  men  that 
Washington  now  needed  in  his  own  during  the  remainder 
of  this  campaign.  The  lack  of  them  was  felt  on  Long 
Island  when  Howe  stole  his  night  march  around  the 
American  left.  As  Putnam  had  become  a  rebel  general 
and  Rogers  a  loyalist  colonel  on  the  other  side,  the  com 
mand  of  the  proposed  corps  fell  to  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Thomas  Knowlton,  of  Ashford,  Connecticut,  who  had 
gallantly  defended  the  rail  fence  at  Bunker  Hill,  and  in 
the  former  war  had  been  a  ranger  himself.  For  this 
body  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  men  and  twenty 
officers  were  regarded  as  sufficient  for  present  purposes. 
They  were  divided  into  four  companies,  and  only  the 
best  material  was  admitted  to  their  ranks.  The  selec 
tions  were  made  largely  from  the  regiments  of  Knowl 
ton's  own  State,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  captains  at 
least  were  men  of  his  own  choice.  Two  were  taken  from 
his  own  regiment,  and  of  the  other  two,  one  was  Nathan 
Hale.  Whether  the  latter  volunteered  his  services,  or 
was  invited  on  account  of  his  recognized  fitness,  does  not 
appear.  We  know  that  he  was  accepted  and  served.  On 
the  September  rolls  of  Webb's  regiment  the  record  is 
entered  that  one  captain  and  two  lieutenants  were  "on 
command,"  while  among  the  many  evidences  of  service 
filed  away  in  the  Pension  Bureau  at  Washington — the 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  103 

diaries,  letters,  commissions,  and  sometimes  touching 
statements  of  old  Revolutionary  soldiers  whom  Con 
gress  had  long  neglected — may  be  found  the  brief  re 
ceipts  of  moneys  due  to  "the  Company  of  Rangers  com 
manded  late  by  Captain  Hale."1 

And  so  we  reach  those  few  remaining  days  when  our 
student-captain  will  break  away  from  regimental  routine 
to  seek  more  active  duty;  when  he  will  find  himself  in 
closer  touch  with  the  movements  and  interests  of  the 
army  at  large ;  when  he  will  know  more  of  the  plans 
and  wishes  of  his  beloved  commander;  when  he  will 
feel  the  thrill  of  special  responsibility;  and  when,  finally, 
he  will  not  shrink  from  taking  his  life  in  his  hands  and, 
single-handed,  attempt  a  service  which  he  feels  the  de 
mands  of  the  hour  require  of  him. 

Completed  about  September  i,  Knowlton's  detachment 
was  quickly  scouting  at  exposed  points.  One  company, 
certainly,  patrolled  the  Westchester  shore,  and  the  others 
probably  the  Harlem  and  Hell  Gate  flank.  They  were 
not  engaged  on  the  I5th  when  Howe  finally  made  his 
descent  on  New  York,  for  he  crossed  some  miles  below, 
at  Kip's  Bay,  at  the  foot  of  East  Thirty-fourth  Street. 
Washington  meanwhile  had  withdrawn  the  greater  part 
of  his  force  from  the  city  to  the  northern  end  of  the 
island,  and  suffered  nothing  more  serious  than  a  tempo 
rary  panic  and  the  loss  of  three  or  four  hundred  militia 
men.  On  the  following  day,  however,  September  16,  the 
entire  body  of  Rangers  succeeded  in  drawing  the  van  of 
the  British  some  distance  out  of  their  new  encampment 
on  the  line  of  One  Hundred  and  Seventh  Street,  crossing 
upper  Central  Park,  and  then,  with  other  troops,  distin 
guished  themselves  in  driving  it  back  again  with  loss. 

1  The  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights,  p.  194;  published  for  the  Columbia 
University  Press,  New  York,  1897.  For  roster  of  the  Rangers,  see  p.  189 
of  that  work. 


104  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

This  was  the  battle  of  Harlem  Heights,  fought  partly  on 
the  present  site  of  Columbia  University;  and  although  it 
proved  a  costly  victory  in  the  death  of  the  brave  Knowl- 
ton,  it  wonderfully  cheered  the  dispirited  army  and 
stirred  the  young  blood  of  its  soldiers  to  further  effort. 
With  what  courage  and  dash  would  not  Hale  have  en 
gaged  in  this  encounter  after  the  long  months  of  drill, 
trench  digging,  and  company  cares  in  camp !  Here  were 
fire  and  action  that  were  real  and  brought  results — the 
kind  of  service  he  had  been  clearly  eager  for,  and  which 
now  it  seemed  that  he  could  render.  But  Hale  was  not 
there.  Probably  of  all  the  Rangers  he  alone  was  absent 
from  the  Harlem  field — nevertheless  to  be  found  some 
where  on  some  kind  of  duty,  we  may  be  assured.  At  the 
very  hour  that  his  comrades  were  developing  the  position 
of  the  enemy  and  fighting  hard  to  retrieve  the  loss  and 
panic  of  the  previous  day,  he  was  far  over  on  the  shores 
of  Long  Island  on  the  point  of  undertaking  the  hazard 
ous  errand  with  which  his  name  is  associated. 

As  Knowlton,  in  the  capacity  of  partizan  leader, 
received  his  instructions  directly  from  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  he  came  necessarily  to  enter  confidentially  into 
his  anxieties  and  wishes.  There  is  no  record  to  follow 
here,  no  unearthed  reports  of  interviews  and  orders,  but 
if  Washington  had  urged  Mercer  and  Livingston  and 
Heath  and  Clinton  to  use  every  means  to  obtain  informa 
tion  of  the  enemy,  employing  spies  if  they  could,  he  obvi 
ously  urged  the  same  on  Knowlton,  in  whose  military 
capacity  and  tact  he  had  great  confidence.  If  it  belonged 
to  any  one  it  would  belong  to  an  officer  whose  business 
it  was  to  keep  in  close  touch  with  the  opposite  picket 
lines,  to  see  what  could  be  done  by  stealthy  means.  The 
office  of  a  spy  was  doubtless  as  repugnant  to  the  gallant 
Ranger  leader  as  to  any  soldier  in  the  army,  but  in  the 
present  emergency,  between  the  ist  and  roth  of  Septem- 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  105 

her,  he  could  not  ignore  the  call  upon  him  and  he 
broached  the  subject  to  one  or  more  of  his  captains  and 
subordinates.  Possibly  he  was  directed  to  do  so  by  Wash 
ington  himself.  The  veil  that  usually  hangs  over  the 
transactions  of  the  secret  service  is  tightly  drawn  in  this 
case,  and  we  are  left  largely  to  conjecture  as  to  Knowl- 
ton's  presentation  of  the  matter.  Of  one  thing  only  have 
we  definite  knowledge,  and  that  is,  that  among  his  offi 
cers  Captain  Nathan  Hale,  after  conversations  with  his 
colonel  and  a  fellow-captain,  became  deeply  impressed 
with  the  situation  and  the  unexpected  duty  which  seemed 
to  devolve  on  some  one  in  his  corps.  The  question  broke 
full  upon  him,  at  first  perhaps  like  a  shadow,  and  again 
like  a  summons — Shall  he  become  a  spy? 

There  could  have  been  no  climax  or  dramatic  incidents, 
as  usually  represented,  connected  with  Hale's  acceptance 
of  this  service.  Out  of  keeping  with  his  character,  incon 
sistent  with  military  usage,  and  not  well  authenticated, 
they  may  be  discarded  as  impairing  the  naturalness  of  the 
story.1  It  is  just  at  this  point  that  the  young  patriot 
reveals  himself  and  shines  in  his  own  light.  He  does  not 
act  from  impulse.  Fortunately,  we  have  an  expression 
of  his  views  in  the  case,  and  know  what  considerations 

1  Stuart  has  generally  been  followed  in  his  description  of  a  meeting 
between  Knowlton  and  his  officers,  where,  after  an  appeal  in  the  name  of 
Washington  for  a  volunteer  to  enter  the  enemy's  lines,  with  no  response 
from  any  one,  there  presently  "came  a  voice  with  the  painfully  thrilling 
yet  cheering  words — '/  will  undertake  it!'  That  was  the  voice  of  Captain 
Nathan  Hale.  He  had  come  late  into  the  assembly  of  officers.  Scarcely 
yet  recovered  from  a  severe  illness,  his  face  still  pale,  without  his  accus 
tomed  strength  of  body,  yet  firm  and  ardent  as  ever  of  soul,  he  volunteered 
at  once,  reckless  of  its  danger,  and  though  doubtless  appalled,  not  van 
quished  by  its  disgrace,  to  discharge  the  repudiated  trust."  Stuart  prob 
ably  accepted  some  tradition  to  this  effect.  Hull,  however,  tells  us  that 
Hale  had  the  matter  under  consideration  and  sought  his  advice.  Sergeant 
Hempstead,  the  captain's  attendant,  states  that  he  declined  the  proposi 
tion  at  first  on  account  of  recent  illness,  but  accepted  on  further  reflection. 


io6  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

moved  him.  In  so  grave  a  matter  he  would  seek  advice, 
and  to  no  one  could  he  open  his  mind  more  freely  than 
to  his  college  associate  and  fellow-captain,  William  Hull. 
From  the  latter  we  have  the  substance  of  the  interview. 
"There  was  no  young  man,"  writes  this  officer,  "who 
gave  fairer  promise  of  an  enlightened  and  devoted  ser 
vice  to  his  country  than  this  my  friend  and  companion  in 
arms.  His  naturally  fine  intellect  had  been  carefully  cul 
tivated,  and  his  heart  was  filled  with  generous  emotions; 
but,  like  the  soaring  eagle,  the  patriotic  ardour  of  his 
soul  'winged  the  dart  which  caused  his  destruction.'  After 
his  interview  with  Colonel  Knowlton,  he  repaired  to  my 
quarters  and  informed  me  of  what  had  passed.  He 
remarked  that  he  thought  he  owed  to  his  country  the 
accomplishment  of  an  object  so  important  and  so  much 
desired  by  the  commander  of  her  armies,  and  he  knew 
of  no  other  mode  of  obtaining  the  information  than  by 
assuming  a  disguise  and  passing  into  the  enemy's  camp. 
He  asked  my  candid  opinion."  Hull  then  replied,  as 
he  tells  us,  by  laying  before  Hale  the  hateful  service  of 
a  spy,  and  his  own  unfitness  for  the  role,  as  being  too 
frank  and  open  for  deceit  and  evasion,  and  warned  him 
of  the  consequences.  He  predicted,  indeed,  that  should 
he  undertake  the  enterprise,  his  promising  career  would 
close  with  an  ignominious  death. 

In  Hale's  reply,  spoken,  says  Hull,  with  warmth  and 
decision,  we  have  a  fitting  prelude  to  his  dying  words:  "I 
am  fully  sensible  of  the  consequences  of  discovery  and 
capture  in  such  a  situation.  But  for  a  year  I  have  been 
attached  to  the  army,  and  have  not  rendered  any  mate 
rial  service  while  receiving  a  compensation  for  which  I 
make  no  return.  Yet  I  am  not  influenced  by  the  expec 
tation  of  promotion  or  pecuniary  reward;  I  wish  to  be 
useful,  and  every  kind  of  service,  necessary  to  the  public 
good,  becomes  honorable  by  being  necessary.  If  the  exi- 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  107 

gencies  of  my  country  demand  a  peculiar  service  its 
claims  to  perform  that  service  are  imperious."1 

Once  more  Hull  urged  him,  for  love  of  country  and  of 
kindred,  to  abandon  the  project.  Hale  paused  a  moment, 
then  affectionately  taking  his  companion  by  the  hand, 
added,  as  he  went  out:  "I  will  reflect,  and  do  nothing  but 
what  duty  demands."  When  Hull  next  heard  of  him  it 
was  the  shocking  word  that  his  prediction  had  come  true. 

That  Hale  should  take  so  high  and  unusual  a  view  of 
the  obligations  of  the  service  upon  him  needs  no  other 
explanation  than  one  finds  in  his  own  words  and  in  his 
training  and  moral  fiber.  It  was  his  view  of  duty.  There 
was  something  of  what  has  been  called  the  Puritan 
inwardness  in  the  process  by  which  he  reached  his  deci 
sion.  In  the  previous  century  he  would  have  made  a 
soldier  after  Cromwell's  own  heart — an  Ironside  who 
could  pray  mightily  and  fight  as  he  prayed.  If  a  service 
was  to  be  performed  which  the  crisis  demanded,  in  the 
performance  of  it  all  consequences  were  to  be  excluded 
from  consideration.  In  this  case  the  situation  seemed 
to  the  earnest  youth  to  require  his  best  and  most  unselfish 
effort.  Washington's  latest  order,  following  the  retreat 
from  Long  Island,  called  especially  upon  the  officers  of 
all  grades  "to  exert  themselves  and  gloriously  determine 
to  conquer  or  die,"  and  Hale's  answer  came  in  the  reso 
lution  he  now  formed. 

This  question — the  momentous  question  of  his  life — 
thus  settled,  the  captain  left  camp  on  his  perilous  mis 
sion,  with  the  calm  and  sustaining  courage,  we  must 
believe,  which  such  a  decision  would  inspire.  The  time 
of  his  departure  can  be  fixed  with  some  degree  of  accu 
racy  through  his  brother  Enoch,  who  notes  in  his  diary 

1  Revolutionary  Services  and  Civil  Life  of  General  William  Hull,  by 
his  daughter,  Mrs.  Maria  Campbell.  Further  reference  is  made  to  this 
work. 


io8  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

that  it  was  "about  the  second  week"  of  September,  or 
approximately  the  loth  or  I2th  of  the  month.  Guided 
by  the  recollections  of  his  sergeant,  Hempstead,  who,  at 
Hale's  request,  accompanied  him  a  certain  distance  as  an 
attendant,  we  can  also  trace  his  steps  well  toward  his 
destination.  The  safest  route  lay  across  the  Sound  and 
along  the  roads  of  Long  Island,  around  to  the  rear  of 
the  British  army  on  the  East  River.  This  was  one  of 
the  lines  of  secret  communication  effectively  utilized  by 
Washington  in  later  years,  and  he  may  have  indicated  it 
for  the  present  initial  venture.1  With  a  general  order 
in  his  pocket  from  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  the  cap 
tains  of  armed  craft  to  convey  him  to  any  point  he  might 
designate,  Hale  proceeded  through  Westchester  County 
into  Connecticut,  where  no  opportunity  of  crossing  offered 
until  he  reached  Norwalk.2  Had  he  attempted  the  start 
from  a  point  further  west — from  Throgs  Neck,  City 
Island,  or  New  Rochelle — the  risks  would  have  been 
great,  for  British  men-of-war  were  hovering  in  the  vicin 
ity,  with  their  tenders  scouring  the  shores  for  skiffs  and 
boats.  As  this  was  one  of  the  objects  of  Hale's  errand, 
to  ascertain  what  movement  these  ships  might  be  trying 
to  blind  or  directly  facilitate,  it  behooved  him,  above  all 
things,  to  avoid  them  at  this  stage  of  his  route. 

At  Norwalk,  Hale  found  an  armed  sloop,  in  command, 
as  Hempstead  states,  of  a  Captain  Pond,  with  whom  he 

1  Whether  Hale  received  instructions  as  to  his  route  and  the  informa 
tion  required  directly  from  Washington  or  from  the  latter  through  Colonel 
Knowlton,  is  not  entirely  clear.     It  was  necessary  for  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  to  give  his  consent  to  the  enterprise.     Hempstead  states  that  the 
captain   twice   visited   headquarters   on   the    business,    headquarters   then 
being  at  the  Mortier  house  on  the  west  side,   above  the  line  of  present 
Canal  Street.    We  believe  it  safe  to  follow  Hempstead.     Younger  officers 
on  special  duty  were  generally  in  the  confidence  of  Washington.     It  was 
so  with  Major  Tallmadge  for  the  greater  part  of  the  war.     Hempstead's 
article  on  Hale  is  given  in  Chapter  VIII. 

2  A  brief  note  on  the  crossing-place  is  given  in  the  concluding  chapter. 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  109 

arranged  to  be  set  across  the  Sound  at  Huntington,  Long 
Island,  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  distant.  We  now  know 
that  this  was  Charles  Pond,  of  Milford,  Connecticut,  one 
of  Hale's  fellow-officers  in  the  Nineteenth  Regiment, 
necessarily  well  known  to  him,  and  whose  own  hardy  and 
daring  spirit  would  lead  him  to  further  his  comrade's 
enterprise. 

How  Captain  Pond  came  to  be  in  the  naval  service 
and  at  Norwalk  at  this  particular  moment  revives  some 
incidents  in  the  exciting  warfare  of  the  Revolutionary 
privateers  of  which  as  yet  we  know  but  little.  In  this 
instance  the  documents  of  the  time  help  us  to  the  extent 
that  among  the  vessels  which  the  Provincial  Convention 
of  New  York  had  fitted  out  to  guard  the  coast  were  two 
armed  sloops  named  the  Montgomery  and  the  Schuyler, 
commanded  respectively  by  Captains  William  Rogers  and 
James  Smith.  In  May,  1776,  Smith  resigned  his  com 
mission  and  the  Schuyler  passed  as  a  Continental  sloop 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Pond,  who,  as  one  of  the 
skilful  sailors  in  his  regiment,  was  detached  for  tempo 
rary  service  at  sea,  much  as  Captain  Coit  and  others  had 
been  detached  from  their  regiments  for  similar  service  off 
Boston.  During  the  summer  these  two  small  vessels 
cruised  from  Sandy  Hook  to  Montauk  Point  and  sent 
their  prizes  into  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut,  or 
stranded  them  in  the  inlets  of  the  South  Shore.  On  June 
19,  Pond  reported  to  Washington  the  capture,  off  Fire 
Island,  of  an  English  merchantman  with  a  valuable  cargo, 
which  Washington  in  turn  was  gratified  to  report  to  Con 
gress.  With  the  defeat  on  Long  Island,  the  successful  run 
of  these  vessels  was  cut  short.  The  enemy's  ships — among 
them  the  Cerberus,  Merlin,  and  Syren — became  more 
active  and  drove  the  American  craft  into  safer  waters. 
The  Montgomery  and  the  Schuyler,  which  at  times  cruised 
in  company,  slipped  by  these  watch-dogs,  and  about 


no  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

September  3  sailed  into  New  London  harbor.  A  few 
days  later  one  of  them  certainly,  and  doubtless  both, 
reported  at  Norwalk.1  Hale  would  thus  find  them  there 
on  his  arrival. 

The  usual  ferry  to  Long  Island,  run  by  the  Raymonds 
of  Norwalk,  had  been  interrupted  by  the  presence  in  the 
Sound,  and  occasionally  in  that  vicinity,  of  the  British 
eight-  or  ten-gun  brig  Halifax,  already  mentioned,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Quarme,  and  in  her  unpublished  log 
we  find  an  entry  which  seems  to  be  confirmatory  of  the 
foregoing  and  may  furnish  the  approximate  date  of 
Hale's  crossing.  Cruising  off  Huntington  on  the  lyth, 
Quarme  learned  that  "two  rebel  privateers"  had  been 
seen  in  the  neighborhood.  Suspecting  that  they  might 
be  lurking  in  the  inlets  of  the  bay,  he  armed  his  boats 
and  tenders  and  sent  them  in  search  of  the  craft,  but 

1  That  Pond  belonged  to  Hale's  regiment  appears  from  a  sentence  in 
a  letter  from  Colonel  J.  Huntington  to  his  father,  dated  Camp  at  New 
York,  June  24,  1776:  "A  small  schooner  of  4  guns  only  commanded  by 
Lieut  Pond  of  Captain  Perrits  Company  has  taken  one  of  the  Scotch 
Transports  with  Troops  &  carried  her  into  a  Port  on  the  back  of  Long 
Island."  MSS.  Connecticut  Historical  Society.  Captain  Perrit,  of  Mil- 
ford,  was  one  of  Hale's  fellow-captains. 

The  New  York  Convention  received  information,  September  18,  1776, 
that  "Captain  Rogers  of  the  Sloop  Montgomerie  has  left  the  South  side 
of  Long  Island  and  is  arrived  at  Norwalk,  Ct."  Referring  to  a  proposed 
naval  expedition  to  attack  the  British  ships  off  Whitestone,  Long  Island, 
Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  wrote,  September  12:  "There  is 
Capt.  Pond,  in  the  Continental  privateer,  and  another  one,  Capt.  Rogers, 
belonging  to  the  state  of  New  York,  which  probably  could  be  had."  On 
October  13,  he  refers  to  them  as  being  near  Norwalk.  These  and  other 
references  from  Force's  Archives,  5,  II,  pp.  304,  305,  etc. 

Captain  Pond  continued  on  duty  with  the  Schuyler  in  the  Sound  until 
December,  1777,  when  the  sloop  was  captured  off  Huntington  with  part 
of  Colonel  S.  B.  Webb's  expedition  to  Long  Island.  Later  he  com 
manded  the  Lady  Spencer;  then,  in  1779,  he  took  charge  of  the  New 
Defence,  which,  in  1780,  surrendered  after  a  desperate  action  at  sea.  On 
the  captain's  gravestone  at  Milford,  where  he  died,  May  18,  1832,  aged 
eighty-eight,  he  is  described  as  "an  actor  in  the  Revolution  and  through 
life  Liberty's  friend." 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  HI 

without  result.1  These  privateers  could  have  been  none 
other  than  the  Montgomery  and  the  Schuyler,  still  keep 
ing  in  company,  and  to  be  reported  on  the  iyth  they  must 
have  crossed  on  the  I5th  or  i6th.  It  was  from  the 
Schuyler,  then — Captain  Pond's  vessel — we  have  every 
reason  to  believe,  that  Hale  landed  on  the  Huntington 
shore  on  one  of  these  dates — the  day  or  night  of  the  loss 
of  New  York  or  of  the  battle  of  Harlem  Heights. 

The  final  preparations,  in  themselves  enough  to  test 
both  nerve  and  soul,  had  been  made  at  Norwalk,  and 
Hale  was  ready.  It  is  from  Hempstead  alone  that  we 
have  the  few  details.  "Captain  Hale,"  he  tells  us,  uhad 
changed  his  uniform  for  a  plain  suit  of  citizen's  brown 
clothes,  with  a  round,  broad  brimmed  hat;  assuming  the 
character  of  a  Dutch  schoolmaster,  leaving  all  his  other 
clothes,  commission,  public  and  private  papers  with  me, 
and  also  his  silver  shoe  buckles,  saying  they  would  not 
comport  with  his  character  of  schoolmaster,  and  retain 
ing  nothing  but  his  college  diploma,  as  an  introduction  to 
his  assumed  calling.2  Thus  equipped,  we  parted  for  the 
last  time  in  life.  He  went  on  his  mission  and  I  returned 
back  again  to  Norwalk  with  orders  to  stop  there  till  he 

1  From    "A   Log   of   the    Proceedings    of    Hs.    Majesty's    Armd   Brigg 
Halifax.    .    .    .    Will™.   Quarme,   Commander,  by  Abm.   Pulliblank,   2«d 
Master  &  Pilot,"  London  Record  Office. 

Extracts:  Sept.  16,  "At  Anchor  off  New  City  Island  Long  Island 
Sound."  Sept.  17,  sailed  to  Great  Head,  "at  l/2  past  9  [p.m.]  weighed  and 
Came  to  sail  Tender  and  Ranger  sloop  in  Company — A.M.  at  4  came  too 
in  Huntington  Bay.  Sent  the  Tenders  and  Boats  Armd  to  serch  the  Bay 
for  two  Rebel  Privateers  haveing  Interlagence  of  them."  Sept.  18,  ... 
"the  Niger's  Tender  came  down  and  Anchord  Here  [4  p.m.]  feired  a 
4  p.  and  mad  the  signal  for  the  Boats  and  Tenders  [6  p.m.]  the  tenders 
and  Boats  Returnd  not  being  able  to  find  any  Rebel  Privateers."  For 
further  extracts  showing  where  the  Halifax  was  at  the  time  of  Hale's 
capture,  see  Chapter  VIII. 

2  Robinson,  Hale's  classmate,  according  to  his  biographer,  used  to  say 
that  it  was  Nathan's  diploma  that  betrayed  him  when  arrested.    This  was 
conjecture.     Onderdonk,  the  Long  Island   antiquarian,   doubted  whether 


ii2  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

should  return,  or  I  hear  from  him,  as  he  expected  to  cross 
the  Sound  if  he  succeeded  in  his  object." 

A  Dutch  schoolmaster  with  a  New  England  diploma ! 
The  pleasantry  may  have  come  from  the  strong  and 
expectant  youth,  but  in  any  case,  Dutch  or  Yankee,  if  he 
was  to  play  his  part  in  broad  daylight  the  schoolmaster's 
was  his  natural  role. 

Here  on  the  shores  of  Huntington  Bay,  where  he 
landed,  until  the  fatal  night  of  his  capture,  Hale  is  com 
pletely  lost  to  our  view.  He  had  crossed  the  danger  line 
into  the  enemy's  territory  and  we  cannot  follow  him 
further  except  as  the  briefest  allusions  appear  from  Brit 
ish  sources.  At  the  point  where  we  would  wish  to  keep 
pace  with  him  the  curtain  falls  with  an  abrupt  conceal 
ment  of  what  must  have  been  a  deeply  interesting  and 
possibly  thrilling  experience.  One  thing  may  be  noticed. 
Soon  after  landing  he  necessarily  learned  that  New  York 
had  been  captured  on  the  I5th  and  the  Americans  de 
feated  and  crowded  back  to  the  heights  above  Harlem. 
On  that  date,  as  stated,  Lord  Howe  had  made  his  delayed 
attack,  and  by  nightfall  was  in  possession  of  the  city  and 
two  thirds  of  the  island.  The  wearing  anxiety  as  to  his 
movements  was  over,  and  Hale  was  too  late  for  the  imme 
diate  information  Washington  needed.  The  situation 
had  materially  changed  in  a  day  and  the  question  could 
well  force  itself  upon  him  whether  he  should  not  return 
to  camp,  where  service  with  his  Rangers  might  prove 
more  important.  The  circumstances  would  seem  to  have 
entirely  justified  this  step.  But  he  went  on.  With  his 
sense  of  duty  as  controlling  as  ever,  and  his  soldierly 
pride  more  immediately  touched  now  that  he  stood  on 

Hale  would  have  his  diploma  with  him  in  camp.  It  was  a  small  parch 
ment  at  that  period.  Hale  no  doubt  had  it  with  him  at  his  New  London 
school  and  took  it  along  with  various  other  articles  we  know  he  carried 
in  his  army  baggage. 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  113 

hostile  soil,  he  doubtless  felt  that  if  another  defeat  had 
befallen  his  comrades,  a  greater  anxiety  prevailed  as  to 
the  enemy's  next  movements,  and  that  he  must  continue 
in  his  effort  for  their  relief. 

Beyond  noting  certain  facts  and  inferences  which  bear 
upon  the  point,  there  would  be  little  to  gain  in  speculating 
on  Hale's  course  and  methods  during  the  six  or  seven 
days  in  which  he  was  now  to  play  the  spy.  At  Hunting- 
ton  he  was  still  some  forty  miles  distant  from  his  objec 
tive  point — the  main  British  army  on  New  York 
Island — and  with  the  caution  required  in  making  his 
way,  it  would  take  him  one  third  or  more  of  the  time 
to  reach  it.  There  were  also  the  camps  on  the  Long 
Island  side  opposite  Hell  Gate,  with  the  suspicious  ships, 
boats  and  tenders  scattered  towards  Throgs  Neck,  and 
of  these  he  must  learn  as  much  as  possible.  In  passing 
along  the  roads  in  the  rear  of  the  army  from  Huntington 
through  Hempstead  and  Jamaica,  or  around  by  Flushing 
and  Newtown,  and  on  to  New  York  City  by  way  of 
Brooklyn,  now  Fulton,  Ferry — whatever  route  he  fol 
lowed — he  should  have  found  the  moment  favorable  in 
one  respect.  With  the  battle  of  Long  Island  and  the  loss 
of  New  York  regarded  as  crushing  defeats  for  the  Ameri 
cans,  the  tories  in  King's  and  Queen's  counties  were  in 
high  glee  in  anticipation  of  the  speedy  end  of  the  rebel 
lion.  The  old  authority  was  reestablished.  The  luke 
warm  were  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Generals 
Erskine  and  Delancey  were  already  suppressing  the 
Whigs.  Loyalists  were  enlisting.  There  was  more 
going  to  and  fro  on  the  highways.  A  rebel  spy  would 
hardly  be  looked  for  there.  If  Hale  were  brought  up 
with  a  round  turn  to  account  for  himself,  he  could  read 
ily  explain  that  he  was  one  of  the  Connecticut  refugees 
who  were  just  then  beginning  to  cross  the  Sound  singly  or 
in  small  parties.  Without  friends,  he  could  claim  the 


ii4  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

king's  protection  and  seek  employment  in  New  York. 
On  the  other  hand,  at  times,  some  untoward  circum 
stance,  some  strict  regulation,  some  ungrounded  fear 
putting  him  on  his  guard,  he  may  have  concealed  him 
self  during  the  day  and  moved  anxiously  along  in  the 
shadows  of  the  night.  It  may  also  be  pointed  out  that 
he  would  be  wary  as  to  how  he  showed  himself  in  the 
city.  Much  of  the  old  population,  the  poorer  element 
especially,  unable  to  leave  with  the  Americans  or  happy 
at  the  change  of  masters,  remained.  Hale  had  been 
encamped  there  five  months.  There  were  negroes, 
laborers,  loiterers,  sharp-eyed  boys,  market-people,  inn 
keepers,  and  others  who  might  recognize  and  face  him 
at  any  turn.  His  open  features  and  athletic  form  could 
hardly  be  disguised.  Peculiar  dangers  as  well  as  oppor 
tunities  presented  themselves.  Who  can  tell  how  that 
critical  interval  was  passed?  The  movements  of  spies 
seldom  come  to  light, — the  case  of  Andre,  so  remarkably 
consecutive  in  detail,  being  a  rare  exception  or  more 
properly  a  case  of  a  different  character. 

Of  this  we  seem  to  be  certain — the  assurance,  as  will 
appear,  coming  from  the  British  themselves — that  down 
to  the  moment  of  arrest  Hale  had  conducted  his  desperate 
and  unfamiliar  business  with  courage,  skill,  and  address. 
At  the  time  of  his  capture  his  observations  as  a  spy  had 
been  practically  completed.  This  was  an  adroit  and  suc 
cessful  piece  of  work.  The  main  body  of  the  enemy,  as 
already  stated,  then  lay  across  upper  Manhattan  Island, 
where  they  had  begun  to  intrench  and  fortify  after  the 
action  of  the  i6th.  If  the  memoranda  which  were  found 
on  Hale's  person  included  drawings  or  outlines  of 
works,  the  works  must  have  been  these  they  were  now 
busily  constructing.  There  were  no  others.  It  was  a 
line  of  five  or  six  redoubts,  running  east  and  west,  three 
of  which  stood  on  the  high  ground  at  the  northern  end 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  115 

of  Central  Park.1  Whether  Hale  caught  glimpses  of 
their  outline  stealthily,  or  as  an  onlooker  permitted  to 
visit  the  camps,  can  only  be  conjectured.  But  if  he  were 
actually  there,  what  sensations  must  have  moved  him  at 
the  moment !  From  the  Central  Park  site  he  was  but 
one  mile  away  from,  and  in  full  view  of,  the  American 
outposts  near  Eighth  Avenue  and  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-seventh  Street.  To  the  east  of  that  point  were  the 
quarters  of  his  own  company  of  Rangers.  Near  by,  on 
the  heights  to  the  west,  lay  the  field  of  Harlem  battle, 
of  which  he  may  have  learned  something  from  the  casual 
conversations  of  British  soldiers.  The  associations  would 
crowd  upon  him,  and  doubly  so,  for  to  reach  his  own 
army  across  the  plain  seemed  but  a  step. 

The  week  passed  and  the  end  came.  On  the  evening 
of  September  22,  the  regular  daily  orders  from  the 
British  Commander-in-Chief  to  his  army  contained  an 
unusual  announcement — nothing  quite  like  it  to  be  re 
peated  during  the  war — which  doubtless  afforded  the 
gossip  around  the  camp-fires  that  night,  some  of  the  red 
coats  listening  with  merely  passing  curiosity  and  others 
indulging  in  contemptuous  hilarity  and  satisfaction  that 
the  rebels  were  getting  their  deserts  in  whatever  game 
they  played.  With  military  brevity  the  paragraph  in  the 
order  ran: 

Head  Qrs  New  York  Island,  Sepr:  22d:  1776 
Parole,  London 
Count:  Great  Britain 

******* 

A  spy  from  the  Enemy  (by  his  own  full  confession)  apprehended 
last  night,  was  this  day  Executed  at  11  oClock  in  front  of  the 
Artilery  Park— 

1  The  position  of  this  line  and  of  the  British  army  generally  at  this 
date  may  be  seen  in  the  chart  opposite  p.  50  in  the  Battle  of  Harlem 
Heights. 


n6  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

The  spy  was  Hale.  The  end  had  come  in  the  usual 
merciless  way.  War  demands  the  penalty  and  affixes  the 
stigma,  with  the  result  that,  as  a  rule,  the  spy,  whether 
doomed  or  not,  passes  out  of  view.  But  with  Hale  it 
was  not  all  the  end.  Were  no  more  to  be  known  of  his 
death,  no  more  of  his  last  hours  and  moments  while  in 
the  enemy's  hands  than  Howe's  order  conveys,  his 
memory,  in  all  likelihood,  would  have  been  merged  in  the 
aggregate  of  memories  of  noble  young  men  who  gave  up 
their  lives  in  that  cause.  Something  more  would  be 
needed  to  individualize  and  distinguish  him.  And  this 
has  come  to  us,  not  as  a  climax,  not  as  the  unexpected, 
not  as  a  new  note  in  his  character,  but  as  a  most  natural 
conclusion  or  culmination  of  the  brief  life  we  have  been 
following.  The  reader  in  sympathy  with  his  spirit,  his 
integrity,  his  aspirations  and  devotion  must  feel  that  he 
would  bear  himself  out  to  the  end  as  we  now  know  that 
he  did. 

Word  of  Hale's  fate  first  reached  the  American  lines 
through  an  interesting  channel.  It  came  through  Cap 
tain  John  Montressor,  of  the  British  Engineer  Corps, 
then  serving  as  aid-de-camp  to  Sir  William  Howe.  This 
officer  was  an  old  campaigner  during  the  French  and 
Indian  War,  knew  something  of  the  provincial  or  "rebel" 
character,  and  just  now,  as  a  former  resident  of  New 
York,  his  familiarity  with  the  city  and  environs  made  him 
a  valuable  member  of  Howe's  staff.  With  a  flag  of  truce 
he  appeared  on  the  evening  of  the  22d  at  the  American 
outposts  in  old  Harlem  Lane  as  bearer  of  a  letter  to 
Washington  respecting  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  and 
was  met  by  Washington's  adjutant-general,  Joseph  Reed, 
accompanied,  as  references  indicate,  by  General  Putnam 
and  Captain  Alexander  Hamilton.  At  the  interview 
Montressor,  referring  to  the  great  fire  that  had  just 
destroyed  the  lower  portion  of  the  city,  told  Reed  that 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  117 

several  supposed  Americans,  caught  in  the  act  as  incendi 
aries,  were  immediately  hanged  or  thrown  into  the  flames 
by  the  enraged  inhabitants  and  soldiers,  and  he  further 
more  stated  that  one  of  our  own  officers,  a  Captain  Hale, 
had  been  executed  in  their  camp  that  morning  as  a  spy. 
Two  days  later  Washington  sent  Howe  a  reply  as  to 
prisoners,  dated  September  23,  which  was  carried  down 
to  the  front  with  a  flag  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tilghman, 
one  of  his  aids,  and,  as  the  same  references  indicate, 
another  aid,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Samuel  B.  Webb,  and 
Captain  William  Hull  went  with  him.  From  the  ap 
pended  note  the  inference  is  warranted  that  it  was  Mon- 
tressor  again  who  rode  up  to  receive  Tilghman's  de 
spatches  and  that  he,  or  at  best  some  officer,  again  told 
of  Hale's  fate.  The  point  of  interest  is  that  Hale  was 
twice  a  subject  of  conversation  at  the  outposts,  and  that, 
evidently,  at  least  six  American  officers  met  the  British 
aid  and  probably  heard  him  speak  of  Hale.  From  three 
of  them  we  know  that  he  did  so,  and  one  of  them  obtained 
information  which  is  invaluable  to  our  story.1 

1  The  three  officers  were  Putnam,  Webb,  Hull.  A  lieutenant  wrote 
from  camp,  September  24,  1776:  "We  learn  by  Montressor  who  told  it 
to  General  Putnam  on  Sunday  [22d]  while  he  was  here  with  a  flag 
of  Truce  &  Genl.  Putnam  since  has  told  me  that  during  the  fire  they 
caught  a  number  of  our  people  who  they  had  prisoners  &  threw  them 
into  the  Flames  .  .  .  and  yesterday  they  caught  the  Captain  of  a  Com 
pany  of  Rangers  &  hung  him  immediately  for  a  spy."  Pennsylvania 
Magazine  of  History,  Vol.  XVI,  p.  204.  Adjutant-General  Reed  must  cer 
tainly  have  heard  as  much.  Enoch  Hale,  in  his  diary,  says  that  "Aide-de- 
Camp  Webb  with  a  flag,  informs"  him  of  the  fate  of  his  brother  as 
reported  by  the  British.  Captain  Hull,  more  interested  than  the  others, 
will  give  us  some  details.  Hamilton,  he  says,  learned  of  Hale's  fate 
before  him,  that  is,  probably  at  the  first  interview.  Colonel  Tilghman 
wrote  to  his  father,  September  25,  1776  [in  his  "Memoir"],  that  he  had 
been  to  the  enemy's  lines  with  a  flag  the  day  before  on  the  subject  of 
prisoners,  but  says  nothing  about  Hale.  His  companion  aid,  Webb,  was 
doubtless  with  him,  as  there  is  no  record  of  any  flags  of  truce  passing 
between  the  two  headquarters  at  this  time,  beyond  those  of  the  22d  and 
the  24th  of  September.  Webb,  who  came  from  Weathersfield,  must  have 


n8  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

While  we  would  wish  to  know  much  more  than  we  do 
of  the  arrest  of  Hale  and  of  the  closing  scenes  of  his  life, 
the  incidents  of  the  flags  of  truce  assure  us  that  whatever 
information  we  have  comes  down  at  least  from  respon 
sible  sources.  Prominent  staff  and  other  British  and 
American  officers  are  among  our  authorities.  Assuring, 
also,  and  touching  in  the  associations  it  recalls,  is  the  fact 
that  the  information,  the  substance  of  the  interviews  at 
the  picket  posts,  meager  as  it  may  be,  was  treasured  up 
at  the  time,  and  at  later  dates  passed  on  to  our  day  by 
two  of  Hale's  bosom  friends — his  brother  Enoch  Hale 
and  his  fellow-captain,  William  Hull.  It  is  upon  the 
diary  of  the  former  and  the  memoirs  of  the  latter 
that  we  now  have  to  depend  largely  in  completing  the 
narrative. 

Precisely  when,  where,  and  under  what  circumstances 
Hale  was  captured  and  executed  has  been  a  matter  of 
tradition  and  uncertainty.  Until  Howe's  orders  came  to 
light  a  few  years  since,  settling  several  of  the  disputed 
points,  the  accounts  as  given  by  Stuart  and  Lossing  were 
generally  followed.  From  the  new  and  final  authority, 
we  know  that  Hale  was  "apprehended"  on  the  night  of 
September  21,  that  he  was  executed  at  eleven  o'clock  in 
the  forenoon  of  the  22d,  and  that  the  place  of  his  execu 
tion  was  the  camp  of  the  British  artillery,  wherever  its 
location  may  have  been  at  that  date.1  As  to  the  place  of 
his  capture,  on  which  the  order  throws  no  light  except 

known  Hale  personally.  During  the  Boston  siege  he  had  been  aid  to 
General  Putnam,  whose  quarters  Hale  occasionally  visited.  Once  Hale 
dined  there. 

!The  late  Mr.  William  Kelby,  librarian  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society,  was  the  first  to  discover  this  important  order  in  an  orderly-book 
of  the  British  Guards,  which  has  since  come  into  the  possession  of  the 
Society.  As  an  indefatigable  student  of  local  history,  Mr.  Kelby  was 
greatly  interested  in  Hale's  career  and  fate  in  New  York.  The  writer, 
well  acquainted  with  him,  has  had  free  access  to  his  papers. 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  119 

indirectly,  Thompson  and  Stuart  were  the  first  writers  to 
attempt  to  fix  it  definitely,  resting  their  theories  on  recol 
lections  and  circumstances  gathered  in  their  day.  It  was 
then  believed  that  after  successfully  completing  his  obser 
vations,  Captain  Hale  returned  to  Huntington,  as  he  had 
told  Hempstead  that  he  expected  to  do,  where  he  spent 
some  hours  in  waiting  or  looking  for  a  boat  to  convey  him 
back  to  Norwalk.  As  he  approached  the  shore  at  one 
point,  he  suddenly  found  himself  the  victim  of  treachery 
or  his  own  misapprehension,  and  he  was  seized.  The 
boat  that  he  saw  proved  to  be  a  barge  from  the  Halifax, 
or,  according  to  another  account,  from  the  Cerberus,  and 
its  crew,  with  leveled  muskets,  called  on  him  to  surrender 
as  he  turned  to  escape.  His  arrest  followed  and  he  was 
sent  by  water  to  be  delivered  up  at  Howe's  headquarters 
in  New  York. 

No  inherent  improbability  would  attach  to  the  main 
statement  in  this  account,  that  Hale  returned  to  Hunting- 
ton.  Taking  two  or  three  days  to  reach  New  York,  two 
days  in  the  enemy's  camp,  and  two  or  three  days  on  the 
way  back,  and  the  trip  was  possible.  One  line  in  the 
British  order,  however,  seems  to  dispose  of  this  view. 
As  the  prisoner  was  captured  on  "the  night"  of  the  2ist, 
and  was  in  the  hands  of  the  provost-marshal  some  hours 
before  his  execution,  it  would  have  been  difficult,  not  to 
say  impossible,  to  take  him  from  Huntington  to  New 
York  in  any  interval  that  might  be  left.  In  addition,  the 
alleged  circumstances  of  his  capture  are  unlikely,  vague, 
and  inconsistent.  For  one  thing,  neither  the  Halifax  nor 
the  Cerberus  was  off  Huntington  at  this  date.  The  latter, 
as  its  log  informs  us,  was  stationed  at  Block  Island.  The 
log  of  the  former,  in  which  every  incident  appears  to  be 
noticed,  makes  no  mention  of  anything  so  creditable  to 
her  crew  as  the  capture  of  a  spy. 


120  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

On  the  other  hand,  the  contemporary  references  and 
the  probabilities  in  the  case  all  point  to  New  York  or  its 
immediate  vicinity  as  the  place  of  Hale's  capture.  This 
was  the  earliest  report  and  belief  among  comrades  in 
camp.  Sergeant  Hempstead  understood  that  the  captain 
was  seized  while  attempting  to  escape  through  the 
enemy's  outposts  on  their  Harlem  front.  The  story  ran 
that  the  pickets  discovered  and  caught  him  near  a  tavern 
or  place  called  "the  Cedars"  not  more  than  a  mile  from 
the  American  lines.  In  the  first  printed  letter,  February 
13,  1777,  referring  to  Hale's  case,  the  same  report  was 
repeated.  While  this  was  evidently  mere  rumor,  whether 
true  or  not,  the  general  statement  that  Hale  was  cap 
tured  somewhere  on  Manhattan  Island  seems  to  find  con 
firmation  from  his  brother  Enoch,  who  states  in  his  diary 
that  Colonel  Webb  brought  word,  with  a  flag,  that 
Nathan  was  "suspected  by  his  movements  that  he  wanted 
to  get  out  of  New  York."  Subsequently  his  brother  John 
made  this  entry  in  the  Coventry  town  records:  "Capt. 
Nathan  Hale,  the  son  of  Deacn  Richard  Hale  was  taken 
in  the  City  of  New  York  by  the  Britons  and  Executed  as 
a  spie  some  time  in  the  Month  of  September  A.  D.  1776." 
That  Hale  should  attempt  escape  through  the  picket  lines 
is  entirely  probable.  The  great  fire  in  New  York  that 
broke  out  that  morning  was  laid  to  rebel  incendiaries, 
and  he  would  keep  away  from  the  strictly  guarded 
ferries.  Finding  that  concealment  was  hourly  becoming 
more  difficult,  or  that  a  plausible  account  of  himself 
would  be  immediately  and  closely  investigated,  he  may 
have  resolved  to  make  a  dash  for  freedom  across  the 
lines.  Or,  to  notice  a  later  supposition,  he  may  have 
succeeded  in  crossing  the  East  River  and  have  been 
arrested  on  that  side.  But  whether  challenged  at  the 
picket  posts  or  halted  by  the  patrols  of  the  provost-mar 
shal,  Hale's  fate  was  sealed.  "Apprehended  last  night" 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  121 

is  all  that  we  certainly  know,  but  the  references  seem  to 
limit  the  locality  to  the  vicinity  of  the  British  army. 

Upon  his  death  a  rumor  found  currency  among  some 
of  his  friends,  which  has  been  repeated  and  accepted  by 
writers  to  the  present  day,  that  Hale  was  recognized  and 
betrayed  by  a  tory  relative  then  in  the  British  camp. 
This  relative  has  been  placed  at  both  Huntington  and 
New  York,  according  to  the  supposed  locality  of  his 
capture.  But  the  rumor  has  never  been  traced  beyond 
the  stage  of  probability,  and  with  Mr.  Stuart,  Hale's  first 
biographer,  we  are  unable  to  accept  it  as  an  explanation 
of  his  fate.  The  point  is  considered  in  the  concluding 
chapter,  in  the  light,  with  other  material,  of  a  recently 
unearthed  letter  from  Hale's  father. 

With  the  capture  of  New  York,  the  British  generals 
established  their  headquarters  in  the  finest  country-seats 
to  be  found  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  camps.  Lord 
Howe  selected  the  attractive  residence  of  James  Beek- 
man,  overlooking  the  East  River  at  Turtle  Bay.  Its  site 
was  at  the  corner  of  Fifty-first  Street  and  First  Avenue. 
Earl  Percy  was  five  streets  above,  on  what  was  then 
known  as  the  Hurst  and  afterwards  as  the  Thomas 
Buchanan  estate.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  would  have  been 
found  in  a  house  still  further  up,  near  Hell  Gate  Ferry, 
and  Cornwallis  may  have  quartered  in  the  handsome 
Apthorpe  place  on  the  west  side.  It  was  to  the  Beekman 
mansion,  or  one  of  its  outlying  buildings,  as  believed,  that 
Captain  Hale  was  taken  on  the  night  of  the  2ist.  Re 
ported  as  a  suspicious  character,  or  caught  in  an  attempt 
to  escape  to  the  rebels,  it  was  a  case  of  sufficient  impor 
tance  to  lay  before  Lord  Howe  himself.  A  brief  exami 
nation  followed.  Pointed  questions  were  put,  and  then 
the  prisoner  searched  for  concealed  papers.  Such  were 
found,  consisting  of  sketches  of  fortifications  and  military 
notes,  and  they  convicted  him.  Taken  up — examined  by 


122  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

the  general — minutes  found  upon  his  person — is  the  con 
densed  but  certain  record.  So  both  Hull  and  Enoch  Hale 
learned  through  the  flags  of  truce.1  There  was  but  one 
conclusion — the  prisoner  was  a  spy;  and  for  a  spy  no 
mercy  is  conceivable,  the  only  mercy  lying  in  the  summary 
punishment  meted  out.  The  proofs  before  him,  Howe 
immediately  issued  an  order  for  Hale's  execution. 

Suddenly  and  relentlessly  as  this  examination  and 
sentence  came,  they  were  relieved  by  one  bright  passage 
whose  deeper  meaning  the  British  general  could  not  have 
appreciated.  Four  words  in  his  order  announcing  Hale's 
fate  have  a  precious  value  for  this  story.  In  telling  his 
troops  that  this  was  a  spy  on  "his  own  full  confession," 
it  was  doubtless  to  present  it  not  only  as  a  clear  but  also 
as  an  aggravated  case,  illustrating  the  American  method 
of  warfare,  in  which  spies  confessed  to  their  employment, 
and  thus  directly  implicating  Washington  and  Congress. 
But  to  those  who  have  come  to  know  Hale,  "his  own  full 
confession"  carries  in  it  the  ring  of  his  character.  His 
honor  and  his  patriotism  asserted  themselves  in  this  most 
trying  moment.  More  than  one  high-minded  British 
officer  must  have  felt  that  it  was  no  mean,  mercenary 
fellow  who  had  been  hanged  that  morning,  but  a  brave 
opponent,  after  all,  who  could  frankly  acknowledge  his 
purpose  and  stoutly  face  the  consequences.  Montressor, 
for  one,  must  have  thought  so.  Next  to  having  Hale's 
dying  words,  we  would  wish  to  know  how  he  answered 
Howe,  when  confronted  with  the  evidence  of  his  errand. 
No  explanation,  no  evasion,  no  base  cringing  with  an  offer 
to  enlist  in  his  army,  no  cowardly  cry  for  pardon  could 
come  from  him.  That  he  gave  his  name  at  once,  also  his 

1  Enoch's  diary:  "Aide-de-Camp  Webb  with  a  flag  informs  that,  being 
suspected  ...  he  was  taken  up  and  examined  by  the  general  and  some 
minutes  being  found  with  him,  orders  were  immediately  given  that  he 
should  be  hanged." 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  123 

rank  in  the  Continental  army,  and  stated  his  object  in 
entering  the  British  lines,  we  know  through  Hull  from 
Montressor;  but  what  more  may  he  not  have  confessed — 
his  love  for  his  Washington,  his  hopes  for  the  new  nation, 
and  his  conviction  of  final  success?  In  this  full  admis 
sion  it  is  still  the  Hale  whom  we  have  been  following  that 
we  see — the  true,  self-poised,  undaunted  youth,  whose 
ingrained  nobility  no  circumstance  or  peril  could  affect. 

As  tradition  goes,  the  prisoner  was  guarded  that  night 
in  the  greenhouse  of  the  Beekman  gardens.  The  old  sup 
position  that  he  was  taken  to  the  city  jail,  then  in  the 
present  City  Hall  Park,  four  miles  away,  no  longer  holds. 
Such  a  prisoner  would  be  remanded  to  the  keeping  of  the 
provost-marshal,  whose  quarters  were  near  the  com 
manding  general's.  This  marshal  was  William  Cunning 
ham,  a  man  with  whom  all  the  cruelties  of  the  prison- 
houses  in  New  York  during  the  Revolution  are  asso 
ciated.  We  need  not  dwell  upon  his  record.  As  yet  he 
had  had  less  to  do  with  American  captives  than  with 
British  offenders.  Perhaps  it  was  the  terror  of  his  name 
in  his  own  camp  that  made  Howe's  Newtown  orders  of 
September  6  all  the  more  effective :  "The  Provost  Martial 
has  a  commission  to  execute  upon  the  spot  any  soldier  he 
finds  guilty  of  marauding."  In  a  previous  order  at  Bos 
ton  he  was  explicitly  directed  to  take  the  executioner 
along  with  him.  Summary  hangings  may  have  already 
become  an  old  story  with  Cunningham.1 

With  the  next  morning — Sunday,  September  22, 
1776 — we  have  the  closing  incidents,  the  brief  prepara- 

1  Cunningham's  first  experience  with  our  prisoners  at  New  York 
appears  to  have  been  with  those  captured  at  Fort  Washington,  Novem 
ber  16,  1776.  The  prisoners  taken  on  Long  Island  and  on  September  15 
were  put  on  transports  or  sent  into  the  city  in  charge  of  commissaries. 
Cunningham  came  from  England  with  his  family  to  settle  in  New  York 
City  a  year  or  two  before  the  war.  Being  a  loyalist,  the  Whigs  com 
pelled  him  to  leave  and  he  joined  Howe's  army  at  Boston,  receiving  there 


124  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

tions,  and  the  final  scene.  Hale's  last  hours  could  have 
been  spent  only  as  a  man  brought  up  under  the  Christian 
influences  of  the  time  would  spend  them.  Sleepless  they 
would  be,  with  the  great  struggle  within  him — every 
tender  association  rushing  upon  his  memory  and  welling 
up  in  his  heart;  then  the  fervent  prayer,  the  deep  and 
calm  resignation,  and  the  glorious  uplifting  thought  that 
he  was  to  fall,  with  so  many  others  before  and  after  him, 
in  a  cause  worth  any  sacrifice. 

As  the  end  nears,  let  Hull  tell  us  what  he  had  learned 
of  it.  Every  detail  connected  with  the  fate  of  his  com 
panion  would  be  fixed  in  his  memory: 

[Hale]  was  absent  from  the  army  and  I  feared  he 
had  gone  to  the  British  lines,  to  execute  his  fatal  purpose. 
In  a  few  days  an  officer  [Montressor]  came  to  our  camp, 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  informed  Hamilton,  then  a 
Captain  of  Artillery,  but  afterwards  the  aid  of  General 
Washington,  that  Captain  Hale  had  been  arrested  within 
the  British  lines,  condemned  as  a  spy,  and  executed  that 
morning. 

I  learned  the  melancholy  particulars  from  this  officer 
who  was  present  at  his  execution,  and  seemed  touched  by 
the  circumstances  attending  it. 

He  said  that  Captain  Hale  had  passed  through  their 
army,  both  on  Long  Island  and  York  Island.  That  he 
had  procured  sketches  of  the  fortifications,  and  made 
memoranda  of  their  number  and  different  positions. 
When  apprehended,  he  was  taken  before  Sir  William 
Howe,  and  these  papers  found  concealed  about  his  per 
son,  betrayed  his  intentions.  He  at  once  declared  his 
name,  his  rank  in  the  American  army,  and  his  object 
in  coming  within  the  British  lines. 

the  appointment  of  provost-marshal.  In  his  petition  for  a  pension  after 
the  war  he  claimed  that  the  New  Yorkers  had  treated  him  badly  and 
taken  his  money  from  him.  Hale  was  probably  one  of  the  first  "rebels" 
put  in  his  hands  in  this  vicinity.  Being  a  spy  as  well,  the  marshal's 
resentment  toward  him  may  have  been  intensified. 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  125 

Sir  William  Howe,  without  the  form  of  a  trial,  gave 
orders  for  his  execution  the  following  morning.  He  was 
placed  in  the  custody  of  the  Provost  Marshal,  who  was 
a  Refugee,  and  hardened  to  human  suffering  and  every 
softening  sentiment  of  the  heart. 

"On  the  morning  of  his  execution,"  continued  the 
officer,  "my  station  was  near  the  fatal  spot,  and  I  re 
quested  the  Provost  Marshal  to  permit  the  prisoner  to 
sit  in  my  marquee,  while  he  was  making  the  necessary 
preparations.  Captain  Hale  entered:  he  was  calm,  and 
bore  himself  with  gentle  dignity,  the  consciousness  of 
rectitude  and  high  intentions.  He  asked  for  writing 
materials,  which  I  furnished  him;  he  wrote  two  letters, 
one  to  his  mother  and  one  to  a  brother  officer."  He  was 
shortly  after  summoned  to  the  gallows.  But  a  few  per 
sons  were  around  him,  yet  his  characteristic  dying  words 
were  remembered.  He  said  "I  only  regret  that  I  have 
but  one  life  to  lose  for  my  country." 

Hull  prefaced  this  account  with  his  affectionate  remem 
brance  of  Hale  and  the  substance  of  their  last  interview 
as  given  in  previous  pages  of  this  chapter.1 

When,  four  years  later,  Major  Andre  was  executed  in 
the  American  lines,  a  certain  military  dignity  was  ob 
served  in  the  parade  of  troops,  the  formation  of  a  square, 
the  erection  of  a  gibbet,  and  in  the  gathering  of  specta 
tors.  But  Andre  was  adjutant-general  of  the  British 
army  and  his  case  involved  the  corruption  and  treason 
of  an  Arnold.  The  occasion  was  made  impressive.  For 
Hale,  a  rebel  and  self-confessed  spy,  there  was  no  such 
ceremony.  Toward  eleven  o'clock  he  was  marched  off 
by  the  provost-guard  from  Montressor's  "marquee"  to 
the  place  of  execution — doubtless  to  some  convenient 

1  Hull's  "Memoirs,"  in  the  history  of  his  revolutionary  and  civil  life, 
by  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Maria  Campbell,  issued  in  1848.  Compare  his 
account  as  printed  in  Hannah  Adams'  Summary  History  of  New  England, 
1799,  given  in  the  next  chapter. 


126  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

tree.  They  would  not  take  him  far.  The  long-accepted 
tradition  that  Hale  was  executed  in  Colonel  Henry  Rut 
gers'  orchard,  overlooking  the  river  at  the  foot  of  the 
present  East  Broadway,  then  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city, 
must  give  way  with  other  traditions  before  the  official 
order  of  September  22.  That  order  informs  us  unmis 
takably  that  the  execution  took  place  "in  front  of  the 
Artilery  Park" ;  and  from  the  entries  of  the  same  orderly- 
book  and  other  authoritative  records  it  is  possible  to  fix 
its  site  with  satisfactory  accuracy.  As  might  properly  be 
assumed  from  what  has  already  appeared,  this  park  could 
have  been  at  no  great  distance  from  the  Beekman  mansion. 
It  is  certain  that  it  was  within  one  mile  of  the  house. 
Camps  changed  during  these  active  movements.  Refer 
ences  are  made  to  two  sites  where  artillery  was  parked — 
one  at  Turtle  Bay,  just  south  of  Beekman's  or  near  First 
Avenue  and  Forty-fifth  Street,  the  other  up  the  main  road 
near  the  uDove  Tavern"  at  Third  Avenue  and  Sixty- 
sixth  Street.  Neither  site  is  mentioned  specifically  until 
three  weeks  or  more  after  the  execution,  but  the  recent 
recovery  of  maps  and  other  material  seems  to  establish 
the  latter  site  as  the  correct  one.  We  may  say  with  entire 
confidence  that  Hale  met  his  fate  at  the  Dove  Tavern 
Artillery  and  that  the  "front"  of  the  park  where  he  was 
now  brought  was  a  spot  approximately  on  the  line  of 
Third  Avenue  between  Sixty-sixth  and  Sixty-eighth 
Streets.1 

Here  Hale  stood  pinioned  and  guarded — here,  not  far 
from  the  shore  where  less  than  six  months  before  he  had 
landed  with  his  regiment  fresh  from  the  Boston  success 
and  eager  for  a  greater  one  at  New  York.  For  him  the 

1  In  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  1901,  the  author  took  the  view 
that  Hale  was  executed  at  the  Turtle  Bay  Artillery  Park,  about  a  mile 
below  the  Dove  Tavern.  His  reasons  for  now  adopting  the  latter  site 
are  given  in  the  chapter  following. 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  127 

scene  had  changed.  In  the  distance  were  the  enemy's 
battleships;  the  field  in  front  was  brilliant  with  the  equi 
page  of  the  most  powerful  arm  of  the  king's  service.  He 
was  facing  the  overwhelming  fact  that  he  was  now  at  the 
very  center  of  the  British  army  and  held  in  its  fatal  grip. 
In  this  respect  at  least  the  youth  was  not  to  die  obscurely. 
It  was  a  striking  turn  of  incidents,  but  for  his  memory  a 
most  happy  one,  that  brought  this  condemned  American 
spy  to  his  grave  under  the  shadow  of  Lord  Howe's  head 
quarters.  But  for  this  should  we  ever  have  been  able  to 
be  with  him  in  his  last  moments,  to  be  assured  once  more 
of  the  constancy  of  his  devotion  and  hear  his  noble 
words?  It  is  significant  that  the  closing  details  come  to 
us  through  a  British  staff  officer  and  a  witness  of  the 
execution.  Most  fortunate,  too,  that  they  were  repeated 
by  him  under  flag  of  truce  to  one  of  Hale's  sincerest 
friends — the  friend  whose  advice  he  sought  before  under 
taking  his  mission — the  friend  whose  memory  would  re 
tain  and  cherish  such  an  interview  through  life.  With  the 
execution  occurring  elsewhere,  in  another  presence,  in  or 
near  the  city,  perhaps  before  a  gaping  or  brutal  crowd, 
this  record  we  would  not  be  without  might  never  have 
been  preserved — nothing  beyond  the  hardened  message 
that  the  missing  captain  had  suffered  as  a  spy.  The  local 
ity  and  surroundings  are  all-important.  Not  only  do 
they  enable  us  to  fill  out  the  story  in  the  sunlight  of  its 
close,  but  they  seem  to  assure  us,  also,  that  no  unneces 
sary  indignities  attended  the  prisoner's  death.  Whatever 
the  unfeeling  Cunningham  may  have  said  or  done,  no 
insulting  throng  could  have  gathered  to  the  spot.  A  few 
officers  and  artillerymen,  some  camp-followers,  the  stolid 
provost-guard,  looked  on,  and  the  end  came  with  its 
quick,  unceremonious,  cruel  work. 

But  above  its  assumed  ignominy  the  end  came  glori 
ously.     As  for  the  fated  youth,  he  died  as  we  have  been 


128  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

expecting  him  to  die,  as  all  true  souls  have  died  in  the  loyal 
performance  of  duty — calmly,  bravely,  with  one  fervent 
wish  for  the  cause  he  could  no  longer  serve.  There  was 
no  scenic  effect.  Little  could  Hale  have  imagined  that 
what  he  might  say  to  his  executioner  and  his  enemies 
around  him  would  ever  reach  the  ears  of  his  comrades. 
Not  many  words  would  he  be  allowed  or  would  he  care  to 
speak,  nor  were  they  to  be  words  of  defiance  or  execra 
tion,  or  of  sounding  prediction  that  Britain's  efforts  would 
fail.  No  occasion  will  he  give  the  spectators  to  drown 
his  voice  with  gibes  and  sneering  laughter.  His  heart 
was  elsewhere,  steadfast  and  absorbed  as  ever  in  the 
great  movement  in  which  he  and  his  loved  companions 
were  engaged.  His  enemies  will  hear  something  unex 
pected — something  a  few  may  reflect  upon — something 
Lord  Howe's  aid  will  think  worth  reporting  across  the 
lines.  In  the  rebel  and  the  spy  before  them  did  they  see 
the  enduring  faith  and  unconquerable  spirit  of  America? 
Hardly  could  the  face  and  form  of  this  young  scholar, 
teacher,  soldier,  and  now  the  most  devoted  of  patriots, 
have  impressed  them  as  the  embodiment  of  a  senseless 
revolt.  For  us  Hale  stands  there  as  an  inspiration — the 
genius  of  the  new  land  to  which  he  would  devote  all  and 
more  than  he  can  give.  As  the  moments  passed  and  few 
remained,  the  grim  preparations — the  ladder,  the  hang 
man,  the  grave  at  his  feet — had  no  terrors  for  him.  This 
death,  with  the  traditional  infamy  men  attached  to  it, 
he  had  already  accepted,  and  he  faced  it  heroically.  The 
promptings  in  his  breast  were  strong  and  irrepressible. 
He  had  something  to  say,  whoever  might  hear.  Among 
the  faces  turned  upon  him  was  there  one  with  a  touch 
of  sympathy  in  the  glance?  It  mattered  little.  He  told 
them  who  he  was,  and  then  with  the  breath  that  was  left 
him  came  the  inborn  sentiment  we  now  carve  in  bronze 
and  marble — the  burning  thought  and  emotion  that  filled 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  129 

his  soul  and  broke  out  in  words  that  move  the  souls  of 
all  who  read  them : 

"l  ONLY  REGRET  THAT  I  HAVE  BUT  ONE 
LIFE  TO  LOSE  FOR  MY  COUNTRY/' 


Many  years  elapsed  before  this  martyr-like  sacrifice 
met  with  any  general  recognition.  It  could  not  have  been 
otherwise.  Official  mention  of  the  case  at  the  time  was 
out  of  the  question.  Hale  was  engaged  on  secret  and 
delicate  business,  and  the  result,  whether  favorable  or 
unfavorable,  it  was  not  for  the  army  to  know.  While 
nothing  could  be  said  or  done — the  execution,  under 
military  law,  being  entirely  justifiable — it  would  appear 
that  Washington  was  somewhat  disturbed  by  the  occur 
rence.  Did  he  feel  a  certain  responsibility  in  the  case? 
Whatever  may  have  passed  between  himself,  Knowlton, 
and  Hale,  he  alone  could  give  final  permission  enabling 
the  latter  to  pass  beyond  the  American  lines.  Hale  was 
a  Continental  officer.  As  the  situation,  however,  justified 
almost  any  sacrifice,  Washington  would  entertain  no  com 
punctions  on  that  score.  For  the  moment  indignation  pre 
vailed  at  headquarters,  and  officers  of  the  staff  would 
have  enjoyed  the  capture  of  someone  on  a  similar  errand 
in  their  own  camp  to  hang  in  return.  Colonel  Tench 
Tilghman,  the  aid  already  mentioned,  happened  to  be 
then  engaged  in  a  confidential  correspondence  with  Wil 
liam  Duer,  chairman  of  a  New  York  Revolutionary  com 
mittee,  in  regard  to  the  disposition  of  certain  tories  who 
had  been  arrested  for  organizing  within  the  State  terri 
tory.  The  State  authorities  being  unwilling  to  go  to 
extremes  in  the  matter,  one  will  find  in  Tilghman's  manu 
scripts  this  reply  which  he  sent  to  Duer,  October  3,  1776: 
"I  am  sorry  that  your  convention  do  not  think  themselves 
legally  authorized  to  make  Examples  of  those  Villians 


130  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

they  have  apprehended;  if  that  is  the  Case,  the  well- 
affected  will  be  hardly  able  to  keep  a  watch  upon  the  ill. 
The  General  is  determined,  if  he  can  bring  some  of  them 
in  his  hands  under  the  Denomination  of  Spies,  to  execute 
them.  General  Howe  hanged  a  Captain  of  ours  be 
longing  to  Knowlton's  Rangers  who  went  into  New  York 
to  make  Discoveries.  I  don't  see  why  we  should  not 
make  Retaliation."1  A  few  of  these  tories  having  been 
taken  to  camp,  Duer  implored  Tilghman:  "In  the  name 
of  Justice  hang  two  or  three  of  the  Villians  you  have 
apprehended.  They  will  certainly  come  under  the  De 
nomination  of  Spies."  All  were  in  the  mood  to  visit 
vengeance  somewhere,  but  proofs  of  guilt  were  wanting. 

Not  until  more  than  a  century  after  the  event  does  any 
word  come  to  us  of  the  anguish  it  brought  to  Hale's  home 
at  Coventry.  The  stricken  father,  writing  to  his  brother 
Samuel,  at  Portsmouth,  a  few  months  later,  stating  what 
reports  had  reached  him,  expresses  his  loss  in  his  own 
homely  way,  full  of  the  deepest  feeling — "a  child  I  sot 
much  by,  but  he  is  gone."  It  was  hard  to  bear — one  of 
the  great  trials  of  his  life,  as  he  tells  us.2  For  years 
after,  we  are  told,  members  of  the  family  could  not  speak 
of  it.  Between  the  brief  lines  of  Enoch  Hale's  diary  we 
may  read  how  far  he  himself  was  overcome.  Nathan 
was  his  favorite  brother.  He  was  riding  about  the 
country,  visiting  and  preaching,  when  the  news  reached 
him.  On  September  30  he  makes  the  entry:3 

1  Italics   the    author's,    who   had    an    opportunity   of    examining   these 
manuscripts  some  years   ago. 

2  This  letter  of  Deacon  Hale's  appears  in  the  Appendix.     It  was  long 
supposed  to  be  lost,  but  was  fortunately  recovered  very  recently.     It  is 
one  of  the  more  important  of  the  new  contributions  to  the  Hale  corre 
spondence,  and  is  noticed  again  in  the  next  chapter  in  another  connection. 

3  The  diary  is  printed  at  the  end  of  a  published  address  on  Nathan 
Hale    by    the    late    Rev.    Edward    Everett    Hale,    delivered    at    Groton, 
Connecticut,   September  7,   1881.     Boston:   1881. 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  131 

Afternoon.  Ride  to  Rev.  Strong's,  Salmon  Brook. 
Hear  a  rumor  that  Capt.  Hale  belonging  to  the  east 
side  Connecticut  River,  near  Colchester,  who  was  edu 
cated  at  college,  was  sentenced  to  hang  in  the  enemv's 
lines  at  New  York,  being  taken  as  a  spy,  or  reconnoiter- 
ing  their  camp.  Hope  it  is  without  foundation.  Some 
thing  troubled  at  it.  Sleep  not  very  well. 

October  15,  the  rumor  was  confirmed: 

Call  at  Squire  William  Wolcott's.  Get  a  pass  to  ride 
to  New  York.  Saturday  returned  to  Granville.  Friend 
Lyman  gone  to  the  Camp  at  New  York.  Accounts 
from  my  Brother  Captain  are  indeed  melancholy !  That 
about  the  second  week  of  September,  he  went  to  Stam 
ford,  crossed  to  Long  Island  (Dr.  Waldo  writes)  and 
had  finished  his  plans,  but,  before  he  could  get  off,  was 
betrayed,  taken,  and  hanged  without  ceremony.  .  .  . 
Some  entertain  hope  that  all  this  is  not  true;  but  it  is 
a  gloomy,  dejected  hope.  Time  may  determine.  Con 
clude  to  go  to  camp  next  week. 

Crushed  by  these  reports  and  anxious  to  know  all, 
Enoch  repaired  to  Washington's  army  at  White  Plains, 
reaching  it  two  days  before  the  battle  and  making  this 
final  note: 

October  26. — Go  to  camp.  See  Officers  of  Col. 
Webb's  regiment,  and  talk  some  of  my  brother.  He 
went  to  Stamford  and  crossed  over  the  sound  to  Long 
Island,  The  next  account  of  him  by  Col.  Montezuxe 
[Captain  Montressor]  with  a  flag,  that  one  Nathaniel 
Hale,  was  hanged  for  a  spy,  September  22.  Aide-de 
camp  Webb  with  a  flag,  informs  that,  being  suspected 
by  his  movements  that  he  wanted  to  get  out  of  New 
York,  was  taken  up  and  examined  by  the  general,  and, 
some  minutes  being  found  with  him,  orders  were  imme 
diately  given  that  he  should  be  hanged.  When  at  the 
gallows  he  spoke  and  told  that  he  was  a  Captain  in  the 


132  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Continental  army,  by  name  Nathan  Hale.  Some 
deserters  asserted  the  fact,  and  described  his  person. 
Lieut.  -  —  said  he  saw  a  woman  that  said  she  was 
then  in  New  York,  saw  and  knew  him  hanging,  having 
been  before  acquainted  with  him.  .  .  . 

The  home  memorial  that  appeals  with  special  tender 
ness  is  the  earliest  one — the  quaint  and  primitive  head 
stone  in  the  burial-ground  of  his  birthplace,  set  up  about 
a  century  ago  by  the  loving  hands  of  Hale's  family. 
Small  and  unpretentious,  cut  from  the  ledges  of  the 
neighborhood,  and  hardly  observed  in  the  presence  of  the 
public  monument  on  another  site,  it  holds  a  story  in  its 
silent  companionship  with  the  graves  around  and  the 
fading  landmarks  and  traditions  of  the  old  town  which 
most  of  all  we  would  wish  to  read.  Its  simple  inscrip 
tion  is  impressive : 

Durable  stone  preserve  the  monumental  record. 
Nathan  Hale,  Esq.,  a  Capt.  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  who  was  born  June  6th,  1755, 
and  received  the  first  honors  of  Yale  College, 
Sept.,  1773,  resigned  his  life  a  sacrifice  to  his 
Country's  liberty  at  New  York,  Sept.  22d, 
1776.  Etatis  22d. 

Four  years  after  his  death,  the  slumbering  memory  of 
Hale  was  revived  by  the  capture  of  Andre.  Proofs 
enough  then.  While  Hale's  execution  could  not  have 
affected  the  disposition  of  Andre's  case,  it  is  certain  that 
officers  of  the  army  placed  the  two  on  the  same  footing. 
Nearly  all  of  Hale's  comrades  were  still  in  the  field,  and 
he  could  not  be  forgotten.  If  the  American  captain  was 
a  spy,  so  was  this  British  prisoner,  whatever  his  rank  or 
plea.  It  was  Tallmadge  who  first  reminded  Andre  of 
his  much-loved  classmate  and  his  capture  in  the  British 
lines  in  1776.  "Do  you  remember  the  sequel  of  the 


HALE  IN  THE  BRITISH  LINES  133 

story?"  he  asked.  "Yes,"  said  Andre,  uhe  was  hanged 
as  a  spy.  But  you  surely  do  not  consider  his  case  and 
mine  alike?"  "Yes;  precisely  similar,"  said  Tallmadge, 
"and  similar  will  be  your  fate."  From  that  date — 
1780 — the  names  of  Hale  and  Andre  have  been  almost 
invariably  associated  by  writers  on  the  Revolution,  and 
their  characters  and  mission  compared  and  contrasted. 

Among  our  earlier  scholars  and  poets,  Dwight  remem 
bered  his  lamented  student-friend  with  deep  feeling  and 
appreciation.  Hale  may  have  heard  him  read  from  the 
pages  of  his  "Conquest  of  Canaan"  while  he  was  com 
posing  it  at  the  college.  The  stately  epic  opens  with 
scenes  in  the  camp  of  the  redoubtable  Joshua.  Before 
the  chieftain  lies  a  heathen  city,  and  toward  it  he  sends 
the  faithful  captain,  Zimri,  to  spy  out  its  defenses. 

In  night's  last  gloom  (so  Joshua's  will  ordained) 
To  find  what  hopes  the  cautious  foe  remained, 
Or  what  new  strength  allied,  increased  their  force, 
To  Ai's  high  walls  the  hero  bent  his  course. 

With  him  on  the  enterprise  went  his  trusted  companion, 
Aram. 

Aram,  his  friend, 

With  willing  footsteps  shared  the  dangerous  way; 
In  virtue  joined,  one  soul  to  both  was  given. 

As  they  approached  the  city  a  lurking  enemy  pierced  young 
Aram  to  the  heart,  while  Zimri  cut  the  assailant  down  in 
a  quick  but  unavailing  effort  to  protect  his  comrade. 
"Fond  virtue"  failed  to  save.  When  Dwight  heard  of 
Hale's  fate,  "emotions  of  regard,"  as  he  states,  prompted 
him  to  associate  his  memory  with  the  martyr  of  his  own 
creation;  and  at  this  point  he  inserted  the  passage  in  his 
poem,  so  often  quoted: 


134  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Thus,  while  fond  virtue  wished  in  vain  to  save, 

Hale,  bright  and  generous,  found  a  hapless  grave. 

With  genius'  living  flame  his  bosom  glowed, 

And  Science  lured  him  to  her  sweet  abode; 

In  Worth's  fair  path  his  feet  adventured   far, 

The  pride  of  Peace,  the  rising  hope  of  War; 

In  duty  firm,  in  danger  calm  as  even — 

To   friends  unchanging,   and   sincere   to   Heaven. 

How  short  his  course,  the  prize  how  early  won, 

While  weeping  Friendship   mourns  her  favorite   gone. 

With  this  tribute  from  one  of  the  worthiest  men  of  the 
time  we  close  these  pages.  Such  testimony  to  Hale's 
character,  aspirations  and  promise,  and  the  testimony  of 
friends  and  foes  alike  to  the  brand  of  his  patriotism  and 
the  spirit  of  his  sacrifice,  present  a  life  to  be  remembered. 
The  shortness  of  its  years  is  immaterial — on  the  contrary, 
its  charm  and  its  suggestion.  There  can  be  power  in 
youth  as  well  as  in  manhood.  Historical  names  and 
careers  commanding  our  respect  and  admiration  exist  in 
profusion — to  the  honor  of  human  nature  be  it  said.  But 
with  Hale  there  is  something  rarer — he  is  endeared  to  us. 
We  are  embalming  his  memory  in  the  customary  forms, 
but  it  also  appeals  most  touchingly  as  a  personal  heirloom. 


VIII 

PRESERVATION  OF  KALE'S  MEMORY— OTHER 
POINTS  OF  INTEREST 

As  there  are  several  points  of  interest — some  of  them 
disputed  points — and  various  minor  matters  and  details 
connected  with  Hale's  career,  not  introduced  into  the 
main  narrative,  they  are  noticed  in  the  present,  concluding 
chapter.  We  refer  to  such  topics  as  the  preservation  of 
Hale's  memory,  his  last  letter,  the  Phoenix  and  the  Asia, 
miniature  and  profile  of  him,  Hempstead's  letter,  place 
and  circumstances  of  Hale's  capture  and  execution, 
alleged  betrayal  by  a  relative,  tributes  and  memorials, 
and  other  points. 

Preservation  of  Hale's  Memory 

That  Hale's  name  and  fate  are  but  infrequently  men 
tioned  in  the  records  of  the  time  is  not  surprising.  The 
statement  sometimes  made  that  Washington's  army  as 
such  was  affected  by  his  death  is  without  foundation.  Nor 
could  Washington  himself  be  expected  to  mention  him,  as 
he  did  not.  In  1776  few  officers  were  known  outside  of 
their  immediate  state  or  regimental  commands.  Hale's 
execution  as  a  spy  was  not  likely  to  place  him  in  the  heroic 
light  of  to-day,  except  among  his  personal  friends  and 
some  others,  who  were  acquainted  with  the  circumstances. 
Even  in  his  immediate  circle  there  were  doubtless  those 
who  felt  that  he  had  made  a  mistake,  that  the  situation 
did  not  demand  the  sacrifice,  and  that  to  make  much  of 
his  martyrdom  might  appear  to  be  an  exaltation  of  the 


1 36  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

role  of  a  spy.  Time  would  do  his  character  justice;  and 
so  Hale's  fate  passed  out  of  mind  as  one  of  the  sadder 
"casualties"  of  the  campaign — the  casualty  list  of  his 
Nineteenth  Regiment,  1776,  bearing  the  regulation  entry: 
"Nathan  Hale — Capt — killed — 22d  September." 

For  a  time  in  1780  and  after,  as  stated,  Hale's  memory 
was  revived  by  the  arrest  of  Andre.  His  comrades 
recalled  him,  and  possibly  it  was  one  of  them  who  con 
tributed  the  following  first-known  reference  to  himself, 
or  to  the  two  together,  in  print.1  It  appeared  in  the 
Boston  Independent  Chronicle  for  May  17,  1781,  and 
the  fact  that  it  was  reprinted  in  the  London  Remem 
brancer  in  1782  adds  to  its  interest.  The  extract  is  given 
as  read  in  England: 


The  generous  Americans  seemed  to  forget  the  nature  of 
[Andre's]  attempt,  in  the  regard  they  paid  to  his  accomplishments 
as  a  Man  and  a  Soldier:  And  as  he  was  supported  in  his  last 
scene  by  seeing  respect  and  compassion  in  every  countenance  and 
in  every  action  of  those  into  whose  hands  he  had  fallen. — 

But  while  we  pay  the  debt  of  humanity  to  our  enemies,  let  us 
not  forget  what  we  owe  to  our  friends.  About  four  years  ago, 
CAPT.  HALE,  an  American  officer,  of  a  liberal  education,  younger 
than  Andre,  and  equal  to  him  in  sense,  fortitude,  and  every  manly 
accomplishment,  though  without  opportunities  of  being  so  highly 
polished,  voluntarily  went  into  the  city  of  New  York,  with  a  view 
to  serve  his  invaded  country.  He  performed  his  part  there  with 
great  capacity  and  address,  but  was  accidentally  discovered.  In 
this  trying  circumstance  he  exhibited  all  the  firmness  of  Andre, 
without  the  aid  of  a  single  countenance  around  him  that  spoke 
either  respect  or  compassion,  and  though  every  thing  that  was 

1  An  earlier  newspaper  letter  in  regard  to  Hale,  noticed  later, 
appeared  in  February,  1777,  but  it  speaks  mainly  of  his  alleged  betrayal. 
One  or  two  brief  notices,  merely  giving  the  news  from  camp  that  one 
Hale  had  been  executed,  were  printed  in  Connecticut  and  other  papers 
about  a  week  after  his  death. 


PRESERVATION  OF  BALE'S  MEMORY         137 

said  or  done  to  him  was  adapted  to  make  him  feel  that  he 
was  considered  as  a  traitor  and  a  rebel.  Andre  appeared  great 
in  not  contesting  the  clear  grounds  upon  which  he  was  con 
demned,  and  in  refusing  to  employ  the  absurd  and  frivolous 
pleas  that  Clinton  would  have  put  into  his  mouth.  Hale, 
though  not  at  all  disconcerted,  made  no  plea  for  himself,  and 
firmly  rejected  the  advantageous  offers  made  him  by  the  enemy 
upon  condition  of  his  entering  into  their  service.  Andre  ear 
nestly  wished  the  mode  of  his  death  might  have  been  more  like 
that  of  a  soldier;  but  consoled  himself  by  observing,  that  in 
either  way  it  would  be  "but  a  moment's  pang."  Hale,  calm  and 
collected,  took  no  notice  of  either  of  those  circumstances.  Andre 
as  he  was  going  to  die,  with  great  presence  of  mind  and  the  most 
engaging  air,  bowed  to  all  around  him,  and  returned  the  respect 
that  had  been  and  w^as  still  paid  to  him;  and  said:  "Gentlemen, 
you  will  bear  witness  that  I  die  with  the  firmness  becoming  a 
soldier."  Hale  had  received  no  such  respects,  and  had  none  to 
return;  but  just  before  he  expired,  said,  aloud:  "I  am  so  satisfied 
with  the  cause  in  which  I  have  engaged,  that  my  only  regret  is, 
that  I  have  not  more  lives  than  one  to  offer  in  its  service." 

This  had  its  passing  interest.  Hale's  case  must  have 
been  known  to  several  members  of  the  court  that  tried 
Andre,  and  Lafayette  is  said  to  have  admitted  in  later 
life  that  the  former  had  some  influence  on  the  result.1 
That  the  general  recalled  him  appears  from  this  passage 
in  his  "Memoirs,"  published  by  his  family: 

It  is  impossible  to  express  too  much  respect  or  too  deep  regret 
for  Major  Andre.  The  fourteen  generals  [Lafayette,  one]  who  had 
the  painful  task  of  pronouncing  his  sentence,  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  and  the  whole  American  army,  were  filled  with  sentiments 

1  Sargent,  in  his  Life  of  Andre,  p.  354,  notices  this  report  but  dis 
credits  it.  Some  pretended  defense  made  by  Andre  at  his  trial,  in  which 
he  compares  his  case  with  Hale's  appears  in  Potter's  Monthly  Magazine, 
Vol.  VI.  It  claims  to  be  taken  from  the  official  record  of  the  proceedings, 
but  the  printed  minutes  do  not  contain  it  and  the  defense  is  not  accepted 
as  genuine.  Andre,  though  not  in  New  York  when  Hale  was  executed, 
had  heard  of  his  case,  as  he  told  Tallmadge. 


138  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

of  admiration  and  compassion  for  him.  The  conduct  of  the  Eng 
lish  in  a  preceding  circumstance  had  been  far  from  similar. 
Captain  Hale,  of  Connecticut,  a  distinguished  young  man,  beloved 
by  his  family  and  friends,  had  been  taken  on  Long  Island  under 
circumstances  of  the  same  kind  as  those  that  occasioned  the  death 
of  Major  Andre;  but  instead  of  being  treated  with  the  like  respect, 
to  which  Major  Andre  himself  bore  testimony,  Captain  Hale  was 
insulted  to  the  last  moment  of  his  life.  "This  is  a  fine  death  for 
a  soldier!"  said  one  of  the  English  officers  who  were  surrounding 
the  cart  of  execution.  "Sir,"  replied  Hale,  lifting  up  his  cap, 
"there  is  no  death  which  would  not  be  rendered  noble  in  such  a 
glorious  cause."  He  calmly  replaced  his  cap,  and,  the  fatal  cart 
moving  on,  he  died  with  the  most  perfect  composure. 

In  1785,  we  have  Dwight's  tribute  in  his  "Conquest  of 
Canaan,"  but  it  will  not  be  for  a  generation  after  Hale's 
death  that  his  name  becomes  embodied  in  anything  like 
a  permanent  historical  or  literary  form.  In  1799,  Miss 
Hannah  Adams,  of  Dedham,  Massachusetts,  published 
her  "Summary  History  of  New  England,"  to  which  Hull 
contributed  his  first  account  of  Hale.  This  officer,  who 
had  served  with  marked  distinction  to  the  very  close  of 
the  Revolution,  1783,  was  at  this  date  a  resident  of  New 
ton,  Massachusetts,  a  man  of  affairs  in  the  State,  judge 
of  one  of  the  courts  and  major-general  of  the  militia.  It 
is  more  than  probable  that  he  wrote  his  account  in  1796- 
97,  hardly  more  than  twenty  years  after  Hale's  death, 
when  he  was  in  the  prime  of  life  and  the  events  and  expe 
riences  of  the  war  were  still  fresh  in  his  memory.  Miss 
Adams,  one  of  our  pioneer  historians,  a  lover  of  litera 
ture  and  history,  a  quiet,  gentle,  earnest  lady,  a  pains 
taking  worker,  threatened  with  blindness,  states  that  she 
had  finished  her  work  two  years  before  publication.  Hull 
wrote  in  the  dignified  style  of  the  time,  omitting  personal 
references  and  details,  such  as  he  introduced  into  his 
"Memoirs"  years  later,  and  which  have  been  given  on 


PRESERVATION  OF  H ALE'S  MEMORY         139 

page  124.  As  this  account  of  1797-99  was  the  founda 
tion  of  almost  everything  written  about  Hale  during  the 
next  half-century,  and  remains  our  principal  authority 
to-day,  we  give  it  in  full,  although  largely  a  repetition,  for 
the  sake  of  the  record: 

General  Washington  [says  Hull],  applied  to  col. 
Knowlton,  who  commanded  a  regiment  of  light  infantry, 
which  formed  the  van  of  the  American  army,  and  desired 
him  to  adopt  some  mode  of  gaining  the  necessary  infor 
mation.  Col.  Knowlton  communicated  this  request  to 
captain  Nathan  Hale,  of  Connecticut,  who  was  then  a 
captain  in  his  regiment. 

This  young  officer,  animated  by  a  sense  of  duty  and 
considering  that  an  opportunity  presented  itself,  by  which 
he  might  be  useful  to  his  country,  at  once  offered  himself 
a  volunteer  for  this  hazardous  service.  He  passed  in  dis 
guise  to  Long  Island,  examined  every  part  of  the  Brit 
ish  army,  and  obtained  the  best  possible  information 
respecting  their  situation  and  future  operations. 

In  his  attempt  to  return  he  was  apprehended,  carried 
before  Sir  William  Howe,  and  the  proof  of  his  object 
was  so  clear,  that  he  frankly  acknowledged  who  he  was, 
and  what  were  his  views. 

Sir  William  Howe  at  once  gave  an  order  to  the  pro 
vost  marshal  to  execute  him  the  next  morning. 

This  order  was  accordingly  Executed  in  the  most  un 
feeling  manner,  and  by  as  great  a  savage  as  ever  dis 
graced  humanity.  A  clergyman,  whose  attendance  he 
desired,  was  refused  him;  a  bible  for  a  few  moments 
devotion  was  not  procured,  although  he  requested  it. 
Letters,  which,  on  the  morning  of  his  execution,  he  wrote 
to  his  mother,1  and  other  friends,  were  destroyed;  and 
this  very  extraordinary  reason  was  given  by  the  provost 
marshal,  "that  the  rebels  should  not  know  that  they  had 

1  As  Male's  own  mother  was  not  then  living,  possibly  this  should  be 
"brother."     Enoch  or  his  father  would  naturally  be  his  first  thought. 


140  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

a  man  in  their  army  who  could  die  with  so  much  firm 
ness." 

Unknown  to  all  around  him,  without  a  single  friend 
to  offer  him  the  least  consolation,  thus  fell  as  amiable 
and  as  worthy  a  young  man  as  America  could  boast,  with 
this,  as  his  dying  observation,  "that  he  only  lamented, 
that  he  had  but  one  life  to  lose  for  his  country." 

Should  a  comparison  be  drawn  between  major  Andre 
and  captain  Hale,  injustice  would  be  done  to  the  latter, 
should  he  not  be  placed  on  an  equal  ground  with  the  for 
mer.  Whilst  almost  every  historian  of  the  revolution  has 
celebrated  the  virtues,  and  lamented  the  fate  of  Andre, 
Hale  has  remained  unnoticed,  and  it  is  scarcely  known 
such  a  character  ever  existed. 

Miss  Adams  published  an  abridgment  of  her  history 
for  young  persons,  in  London,  in  1805,  and  again  at 
Boston,  in  1807.  On  the  title-page  of  the  latter  the 
announcement  is  made  that  it  is  "now  used  in  the  prin 
cipal  schools  in  this  town."  The  account  of  Hale  is  not 
materially  abridged  and  in  her  apparent  desire  to  im 
press  his  memory  upon  the  pupils,  she  includes  among 
the  questions  in  the  appendix:  "When  was  Captain  Hale 
executed  for  a  spy,  and  how  did  he  behave  in  his  last 
moments?"  For  a  few  years  at  this  period  Hale  would 
seem  to  have  been  better  known  to  Bostonian  young 
people  than  to  readers  in  Connecticut. 

There  followed  presently  Abiel  Holmes'  "Annals," 
Niles'  well-known  "Weekly  Register,"  and  a  new  history 
of  the  Revolution  by  Mrs.  Mercy  Warren,  of  Plymouth, 
all  mentioning  Hale.  Niles,  in  1812,  quotes  Hannah 
Adams'  account,  Hull's,  in  full,  with  the  remark  that  it 
celebrates  "the  virtues  of  a  character  too  much  forgotten 
by  his  countrymen."  He  also  gives  Dwight's  tribute.  In 
1829,  Mr.  Samuel  L.  Knapp  published  his  "Lectures  on 
American  Literature"  with  notices  of  prominent  charac 
ters.  Of  Hale  he  says,  "It  is  time  that  we  should  be  famil- 


PRESERVATION  OF  BALE'S  MEMORY         141 

iar  with  his  reputation.  This  staking  one's  life  and  repu 
tation  together — and  staking  them  for  love  of  country 
...  is  the  highest  of  all  mortal  resolves."  In  1820,  a 
few  old  pensioners  meeting  at  dinner  at  Hartford  remem 
bered  their  comrade  with  the  toast:  "Captain  Nathan 
Hale;  the  blood  of  such  martyrs  is  the  sure  seed  of  future 
patriots  and  heroes." 

As  we  near  the  middle  of  the  century,  or  from  about 
1832  to  1856,  we  find  Hale  coming  into  wider  recogni 
tion.  During  this  period  his  name  enters  more  promi 
nently  into  our  history  and  literature.  Biography,  poetry, 
and  memorial  will  preserve  it.  One  writer,  signing  him 
self  "L"  in  the  American  Historical  Magazine  for  Jan 
uary,  1836,  runs  the  thread  of  continuity  further  back. 
To  quote  from  his  article:  "The  life,  capture,  and  exe 
cution  of  NATHAN  HALE,  an  early  and  distinguished 
victim  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  was  by  the  early  his 
torians  passed  over  in  silence  and  neglect.  For  many 
years  after  he  met  his  fate,  his  name  was  forgotten,  or 
scarcely  remembered,  except  by  his  mourning  relatives 
and  intimate  acquaintances.  It  is  but  a  few  years  since 
(and  to  her  honor  be  it  mentioned)  Hannah  Adams 
first  embalmed  his  memory  and  revived  his  name  and 
worth  in  the  recollection  of  his  ungrateful  countrymen; 
since  which  time,  the  historic  muse  adorns  her  page  with 
the  name  of  NATHAN  HALE,  a  MARTYR  in  the  CAUSE 
of  LIBERTY.  Nor  will  his  youth — his  name — his  vir 
tues — his  courage — his  devotion  to  his  country,  or  his 
cruel  and  untimely  catastrophy,  be  omitted  by  any  future 
historian.  Now  by  common  consent  Hale  is  placed  in 
the  Pantheon." 

Two  others  who  remembered  Hale,  contributed  to,  or 
are  quoted  in,  the  same  magazine,  as  referred  to  on  pages 
37  and  38.  The  Plaindealer,  a  new  weekly  journal,  at 
New  York,  edited  by  William  Leggett,  to  be  recalled  as 


142  '     NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

an  associate  of  William  Cullen  Bryant,  contained  a  brief 
but  appreciative  editorial  on  Hale,  December  24,  1836; 
and  the  Knickerbocker  Monthly,  early  in  1838,  devoted 
a  general  article  to  him.  In  the  former  there  was  an  apt 
comparison  with  Andre:  "Hale  undertook  an  enterprise 
that  bristled  with  danger.  Andre  was  stimulated  by  the 
promise  of  high  reward."  Nothing  contributed  more  at 
this  period  toward  awakening  interest  in  American  his 
tory  than  the  "Library  of  American  Biography,"  edited 
by  Mr.  Sparks,  later  President  of  Harvard  College.  His 
third  volume,  on  Benedict  Arnold,  1835,  includes  some 
carefully  prepared  and  interesting  pages  on  Hale.  Sparks 
had  access  to  Hale's  diary  and  a  few  of  his  letters,  and 
corresponded  with  Colonel  Tallmadge  on  the  subject  of 
his  work.  Thompson's  valuable  "History  of  Long 
Island,"  first  published  in  1839,  contains  an  excellent 
notice  of  Hale.  He  and  Mr.  Onderdonk,  of  Jamaica, 
were  among  the  first  to  bring  out  the  traditions  connected 
with  Hale's  alleged  capture  at  Huntington. 

Following  these  contributions  came,  in  time,  memorials 
and  biographies.  In  1835-36  a  movement  was  inaugu 
rated  to  have  Congress  erect  a  monument  to  Hale  at 
Coventry,  his  birthplace.  Failing  in  this,  the  people  of 
the  town,  assisted  by  the  State,  in  1846,  set  up  the  appro 
priate  shaft  now  standing  in  the  Coventry  cemetery. 
Since  then  two  bronze  statues  have  been  erected  at  Hart 
ford,  tablets  may  be  found  here  and  there,  and  Hale's 
schoolhouses  at  East  Haddam  and  New  London  have 
been  restored  as  historical  memorials.  In  1856,  Mr. 
I.  W.  Stuart,  of  Hartford,  issued  the  first  biography  of 
Hale,  in  two  editions,  which  was  welcomed  and  widely 
reviewed  as  a  timely  and  worthy  tribute  to  the  martyr- 
spy.  The  reviewer  of  the  book  in  Putnam's  Magazine, 
at  New  York,  was  impressed  with  Hale's  sacrifice:  "His 
death  proved  what  his  life  had  only  indicated.  It  showed 


PRESERVATION  OF  H ALE'S  MEMORY         143 

in  him  a  true  heroic  greatness,  which  could,  in  calm  dig 
nity,  endure  to  die  wronged  and  unasserted.  The  com 
mon  pathway  to  glory  is  trodden  with  comparative  ease; 
but  to  go  down  to  the  grave  high-spirited  but  insulted, 
technically  infamous,  unfriended  in  the  last  great  agony, 
with  an  all-absorbing  patriotism,  baffled  and  anxious,  and 
burning  for  assurance  of  his  country's  final  triumph — 
thus  to  have  done  and  borne  in  unfaltering  dignity,  was 
the  ultimate  criterion  and  evidence  of  a  genuine  nobility 
of  nature.  Had  this  sharp  ordeal  been  spared,  the  man's 
strong,  true  spirit  might  have  remained  ever  unrecog 
nized." 

At  his  college  Hale  has  been  a  bright  memory.  The 
traditions  and  associations  of  the  Linonia  Society,  in 
which  he  was  so  greatly  interested,  would  alone  have 
kept  it  so  during  its  long  existence.  The  earliest  trib 
ute  to  him  from  a  college  student  that  we  have  been 
able  to  find,  is  an  article  in  the  Yale  Literary  Magazine 
for  June,  1839,  based  upon  the  Coventry  address  of  Mr. 
Judson,  printed  two  years  before.  It  gives  a  sketch  of 
his  life  and  fate,  and  closes  with  an  offering  in  poetry. 
On  the  Commencement  program  for  July,  1844,  appears 
among  the  subjects,  a  "Poem,  Nathan  Hale,"  by  James 
Austin  Sheldon,  Rupert,  Vermont.  Among  the  sub 
scribers  to  the  Coventry  monument  were  Professors 
Theodore  Dwight  Woolsey  and  Benjamin  Silliman,  Hon. 
Roger  S.  Baldwin,  Dr.  ^Eneas  Munson,  and  other 
graduates. 

The  event  that  more  firmly  welded  Hale  into  Yale 
literature  and  remembrance  was  the  centennial  anniver 
sary  of  the  Linonia  Society,  held  July  27,  1853,  during 
Commencement  week.  It  was  a  notable  affair.  The 
oration  was  delivered  by  William  Maxwell  Evarts,  the 
eminent  lawyer  of  New  York,  and  subsequently  Secretary 
of  State  under  President  Hayes.  The  poem  by  Francis 


144  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Miles  Finch,  later  judge  of  the  New  York  Court  of 
Appeals,  was  the  feature  of  the  occasion.  Of  some  length, 
it  dwelt  upon  distinguished  graduates  who  belonged  to 
the  Society.  Upon  the  roll  "names  gleam  like  pearls." 
Some  won  the  civic  wreath,  others  crossed  "a  zone  of 
waters  and  braved  the  world,"  and  others  fell  upon  the 
field.  Continuing,  Mr.  Finch  held  his  audience  in  rapt 
attention  with  the  stanzas  on  Hale  so  much  admired  and 
so  often  quoted: 

And  one  there  was — his  name  immortal  now — 
Who  died  not  to  the  ring  of  rattling  steel, 
Or  battle-march  of  spirit-stirring  drum, 
But,  far  from  comrades  and  from  friendly  camp, 
Alone  upon  the  scaffold. 

To  drum-beat  and  heart-beat 

A  soldier  marches  by ; 
There  is  color  in  his  cheek, 

There  is  courage  in  his  eye, 
Yet  to  drum-beat  and  heart-beat 

In  a  moment  he  must  die. 

By  starlight  and  moonlight 

He  seeks  the  Briton's  camp, 
He  hears  the  rustling  flag, 

And  the  armed  sentry's  tramp. 
And  the  starlight  and  moonlight 

His  silent  wanderings  lamp. 

With  slow  tread  and  still  tread 

He  scans  the  tented  line, 
And  he  counts  the  battery  guns 

By  the  gaunt  and  shadowy  pine ; 
And  his  slow  tread  and  still  tread 

Give  no  warning  sign. 


PRESERVATION  OF  H ALE'S  MEMORY        145 

The  dark  wave,  the  plumed  wave! 

It  meets  his  eager  glance; 
And  it  sparkles  'neath  the  stars 

Like  the  glimmer  of  a  lance : 
A  dark  wave,  a  plumed  wave, 

On  an  emerald  expanse. 


A  sharp  clang,  a  steel  clang ! 

And  terror  in  the  sound  ; 
For  the  sentry,  falcon-eyed, 

In  the  camp  a  spy  hath  found ; 
With  a  sharp  clang,  a  steel  clang, 

The  patriot  is  bound. 

With  calm  brow,  steady  brow, 

He  listens  to  his  doom; 
In  his  look  there  is  no  fear 

Nor  a  shadow  trace  of  gloom ; 
But  with  calm  brow  and  steady  brow 

He  robes  him  for  the  tomb. 

In  the  long  night,  the  still  night, 

He  kneels  upon  the  sod; 
And  the  brutal  guards  withhold 

E'en  the  solemn  Word  of  God ! 
In  the  long  night,  the  still  night, 

He  walks  where  Christ  hath  trod. 

'Neath  the  blue  morn,  the  sunny  morn, 

He  dies  upon  the  tree  ; 
And  he  mourns  that  he  can  lose 

But  one  life  for  Liberty; 
And  in  the  blue  morn,  the  sunny  morn, 

His  spirit-wings  are  free. 


NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

His  last  words,  his  message  words, 
They  burn,  lest  friendly  eye 

Should  read  how  proud  and  calm 
A  patriot  could  die, 

With  his  last  words,  his  dying  words, 
A  soldier's  battle-cry! 

From  Fame-leaf  and  Angel-leaf, 
From  monument  and  urn, 

The  sad  of  Earth,  the  glad  of  Heaven, 
His  tragic  fate  shall  learn  ; 

And  on  Fame-leaf  and  Angel-leaf, 
The  name  of  HALE  shall  burn  ! 


In  the  Linonia  account  of  the  celebration,  which  was 
held  in  former  Alumni  Hall,  the  compiler  says:  "The 
three  founders  of  our  Library  were  honored  in  the  north 
west  corner  of  the  hall,  which  was  decorated  with  por 
traits  of  Timothy  Dwight,  formerly  President,  and  James 
Hillhouse,  for  fifty  years  the  Treasurer  of  Yale  College, 
while  the  name  of  NATHAN  HALE  was  placed  between 
these  portraits,  and  surmounted  by  national  flags  in  allu 
sion  to  his  patriotic  life  and  death."1  In  the  early  manu 
script  lists  of  books  in  the  library  it  appears  that  Hale's 
contributions  were  "Travels  of  Cyrus,"  "Elements  of 
Criticism,"  and  the  "Spectator."  He  joined  with  a  few 
others  in  the  purchase  of  the  two  latter. 

The  often  expressed  wish  that  a  bronze  statue  of  Hale 
might  stand  on  the  college  Campus  is  about  to  be  realized. 
The  memorial  has  been  executed  by  Mr.  Bela  Pratt,  of 
Boston,  and  is  to  be  erected  under  the  auspices  of  the 
University  Corporation  and  alumni. 

1  These  three  Linonians  were  always  regarded  as  the  true  founders  of 
the  Society's  library,  which  is  still  maintained,  on  account  of  their  inter 
est  in  it  and  personal  contributions  to  its  shelves.  The  library  was 
started,  however,  a  few  months  before  Hale's  connection  with  the 
Society,  the  first  librarian  being  student  Lockwood,  elected  July  16,  1770. 


PRESERVATION  OF  H ALE'S  MEMORY        147 

Beyond  his  native  State  of  Connecticut,  which  has  thus 
honored  him,  residents  of  New  York  City,  as  the  place 
of  Hale's  execution,  have  long  felt  an  interest  in  his  fate 
and  have  followed  with  a  statue  to  his  memory.  Mr. 
Lossing,  in  his  "Two  Spies,"  speaks  of  a  movement  in 
1880  with  which  the  present  writer  was  familiar.  Dur 
ing  his  visit  to  this  country  in  1878,  Dean  Stanley,  of 
London,  was  surprised  to  find  no  memorial  of  Andre 
marking  the  spot  where  he  was  buried.  Mr.  Cyrus  W. 
Field,  the  famous  projector  of  the  first  Atlantic  tele 
graph  cable,  offered  to  erect  one.  Protests  immediately 
appeared  in  newspapers,  coupled  with  a  call  for  a  memo 
rial  to  Hale,  toward  which  three  or  four  individuals 
subscribed  as  many  hundred  dollars.  Mr.  Field,  himself 
a  member  of  an  old  Connecticut  family,  put  up  the  Andre 
mark  and  later  came  forward  for  Hale.  To  the  librarian 
of  the  New  York  Historical  Society  he  wrote  as  follows, 
September  17,  1880: 

My  dear  Sir: 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  it  is  proposed  to  erect  a  monument  to 
Nathan  Hale.  Many  years  ago  I  joined  with  others  in  such  a 
memorial  at  Coventry,  Conn.,  where  he  was  born.  But  one  ought 
to  be  erected  in  this  City,  and  if  possible  on  the  very  spot  where 
he  died.  That  spot  you  have,  I  understand,  ascertained  to  be  at, 
or  very  near,  the  Armory  of  the  Seventh  Regiment.  What  an 
inspiration  would  a  monument  there  be  to  our  young  soldiers! 
There  ought  to  be  inscribed  on  it  his  own  immortal  words,  "I 
only  regret  that  I  have  but  one  life  to  give  for  my  country."  If 
the  New  York  Historical  Society  will  obtain  permission  to  have 
a  monument  erected  there,  I  will,  with  pleasure,  bear  the  whole 
expense. 

I  remain 

Very  truly  your  friend 

CYRUS  W.  FIELD. 


148  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

The  Society  gratefully  acknowledged  and  accepted  the 
offer.  While  the  erection  or  care  of  monuments  was 
beyond  its  province,  it  made  an  exception  in  this  case. 
"As  an  occasion,"  it  replied,  "for  commemoration  of 
genuine  patriotism  and  self-sacrifice  in  which  the  sym 
pathy  of  this  whole  nation  is  moved  by  every  allusion  to 
the  event,  the  execution  of  Nathan  Hale  has  no  parallel 
in  our  history,  and  offers  a  theme  worthy  of  the  most 
exalted  eloquence,  and  the  most  touching  historic  art." 

This  project  was  without  result,  but  in  1893  the  patri 
otic  society  of  the  Sons  of  the  Revolution  in  New  York, 
through  its  own  independent  initiative  and  action,  erected 
the  bronze  statue  of  Hale,  by  MacMonnies,  now  standing 
in  City  Hall  Park.  The  movement  found  no  warmer 
supporters  than  the  late  president  of  the  society,  Mr. 
Frederick  S.  Tallmadge,  grandson  of  Colonel  Benjamin 
Tallmadge,  Hale's  intimate  college  friend,  and  the  then 
secretary,  Mr.  James  Mortimer  Montgomery,  of  Revo 
lutionary  ancestry  and  now  President  of  the  General 
Society.  To  the  devotion  and  unwearied  energy  of  the 
latter,  the  city  is  under  obligations  for  this  appropriately 
placed  and  much-admired  memorial. 

With  the  writer  of  1 836,  we  may  say  that  through  liter 
ature  and  sculpture,  spontaneously  expressing  themselves 
at  intervals  since  his  death,  Hale  has  come  into  his 
destined  niche. 


Hale's  Last  Letter— The  "Phoenix"  and  the  "Asia" 

As  far  as  known,  the  following  is  the  last  of  Hale's 
letters  extant.  It  was  written  to  his  brother  Enoch,  a 
week  before  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  August  27,  1776, 
and  shows  his  keen  interest  in  all  that  was  transpiring: 


HALF'S  LAST  LETTER  149 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  20th  1776 
Dear  Brother, 

I  have  only  time  for  a  hasty  letter.  Our  situation  has  been 
such  this  fortnight  or  more  as  scarce  to  admit  of  writing.  We 
have  daily  expected  an  action — by  which  means  if  any  one  was 
going,  and  we  had  letters  written,  orders  were  so  strict  for  our 
tarrying  in  camp  that  we  could  rarely  get  leave  to  go  and  deliver 
them. — For  about  6  or  8  days  the  enemy  have  been  expected  hourly, 
whenever  the  wind  and  tide  in  the  least  favoured. — We  keep  a 
particular  look  out  for  them  this  morning.  The  place  and  manner 
of  attack  time  must  determine.  The  event  we  leave  to  Heaven. 
Thanks  to  God !  we  have  had  time  for  compleating  our  works 
and  receiving  our  reinforcements.  The  militia  of  Connecticut 
ordered  this  way  are  mostly  arrived.  Col.  Ward's  Regt  has 
got  in.  Troops  from  the  southward  are  daily  coming.  We  hope 
under  God,  to  give  a  good  account  of  the  Enemy  whenever  they 
choose  to  make  the  last  appeal 

Last  Friday  night,  two  of  our  fire  vessels  (a  sloop  &  schooner) 
made  an  attempt  upon  the  shiping  up  the  River.  The  night  was 
too  dark  the  wind  too  slack  for  the  attempt.  The  shooner  which 
was  intended  for  one  of  the  ships  had  got  by  before  she  discovered 
them;  but  as  Providence  would  have  it,  she  run  athwart  a  bomb- 
catch  which  she  quickly  burn'd  The  sloop  by  the  light  of  the 
former  discovered  the  Phoenix — but  rather  too  late, — however  she 
made  shift  to  grapple  her,  but  the  wind  not  proving  sufficient  to 
bring  her  close  along  side,  or  drive  the  flames  immediately  on 
board,  the  Phoenix  after  much  difficulty  got  her  clear  by  cutting 
her  own  rigging.  Sergt.  Fosdick  who  commanded  the  above  sloop 
and  four  of  his  hands  were  of  my  company,  the  remaining  two 
were  of  this  Reg4.  The  Gen1  has  been  pleased  to  reward  their 
bravery  with  forty  dollars  each  except  the  last  man  that  quitted 
the  firie  sloop  who  had  fifty.  Those  on  board  the  schooner 
receive  the  same.  I  must  write  to  some  of  my  other  brothers 
lest  you  should  not  be  at  home,  remain  your  friend  &  Brother 

N.  HALE. 
Mr.  Enoch  Hale. 
[Original  in  possession  of  estate  of  the  late  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale.] 


ISO  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

In  connection  with  Hale's  account  of  the  attack  on  the 
Phoenix,  we  give  that  of  Sir  Hyde  Parker,  its  Com 
mander,  as  entered  in  the  journal  or  "log"  of  the  ship. 
This  vessel  had  previously  run  by  our  batteries  at  Fort 
Washington  at  i83d  Street,  New  York,  covering  the 
passage  of  the  Hudson  at  that  point,  and  at  this  time  was 
"at  single  anchor  four  miles  above  the  upper  Fort  York 
Island."  The  entry  for  August  17,  1776,  runs:  "Light 
air  and  Cloudy  at  1 1  P.  M.  discover'd  a  vessel  standing 
up  the  River,  she  being  near  the  Rose's  Tender  hail'd 
her  and  gave  orders  for  her  to  Fire  into  the  vessel.  In 
Five  seconds  the  Rebel  vessel  Boarded  the  Tender,  and 
was  set  fire  to.  By  the  light  of  this  Vessel  we  discovered 
another  standing  towards  us  at  a  Cables  length  distance. 
Immediately  order'd  the  Cable  to  be  cut  &  commenced 
Firing  upon  the  Fire  ship;  in  Ten  minutes  afterwards  she 
Boarded  us  on  the  Starboard  Bow  at  which  time  the 
Rebels  set  Fire  to  the  Train  and  left  her.  Set  the  Fore 
Topsail  and  Head  sails  which  fortunately  cast  the  ship 
and  disengaged  her  from  the  Fire  ship,  after  having  been 
Twenty  minutes  with  her  Jibb  Boom  over  our  Gunwhale. 
The  Rose's  Tender  was  totally  consumed;  the  same  fate 
must  have  Attended  the  Phoenix  had  not  the  Steadiness 
of  the  Officers  &  Ship's  Company  saved  her." — From 
Captain's  Journal,  H.  M.  S.  Phoenix,  London  Record 
office. 

The  story  that  Hale  cut  out  a  provision  sloop  under 
the  guns  of  the  man-of-war  Asia,  referred  to  on  page  93, 
appears  to  have  originated  with  Asher  Wright,  a  member 
of  Hale's  company  from  Coventry,  and  his  waiter  in 
camp.  It  first  came  out  in  1836  when  Wright's  memory 
was  known  to  be  failing.  Stuart  describes  the  alleged 
exploit  and  introduces  an  illustration.  It  is  said  to  have 
occurred  in  the  East  River,  but  the  Asia  moved  out  of 
the  river  the  day  Hale's  regiment  arrived  in  New  York 


MINIATURE  AND  PROFILE  OF  HALE         151 

and  then  fell  down  to  the  Narrows.  The  log  of  the 
vessel  makes  no  mention  of  such  an  attack,  and  the  details 
of  the  story,  representing  Hale  as  a  volunteer  and  leader 
without  authority,  also  discredit  the  account.  On  May 
31  General  Putnam  wrote  to  Washington  that  "our 
troops  have  taken  a  small  sloop  for  going  on  board  the 
Asia"  but  this  occurred  at  Far  Rockaway — a  minor 
affair  where  the  sloop's  crew  was  seized  for  trying  to 
smuggle  provisions  aboard  the  British  ships.  It  is  true 
that  Marvin  wrote  to  Hale,  June  n,  that  he  was  obliged 
"for  your  particular  history  of  the  adventure  aboard  the 
prize."  This  may  not  necessarily  mean  that  he  was 
personally  concerned  in  it. 

Alice  Adams  and  Hale's  Miniature — His  Personal 
Appearance — Profile  of  Him 

It  has  been  understood  that  a  miniature  of  Hale  was 
once  in  the  possession  of  Alice  Adams,  as  widow  Ripley, 
and  subsequently  for  a  time,  as  Mrs.  Lawrence.  It  is 
also  claimed  to  have  been  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the 
latter's  descendants  until  more  recent  times.  Neither 
Mr.  Gilbert,  in  1836,  nor  Mr.  Stuart,  in  1856,  traced 
it.  One  version  of  the  fate  of  the  miniature  is  given  in 
the  American  Antiquarian  for  December,  1889:  "Mrs. 
Lawrence  possessed  the  only  portrait  of  Nathan  Hale 
that  was  ever  made  so  far  as  known.  It  was  a  miniature 
on  ivory.  She  kept  it  after  she  married  Mr.  Lawrence. 
One  day  not  long  after  her  marriage  this  miniature  dis 
appeared.  No  trace  was  ever  found  of  it,  and  Mrs.  Law 
rence  in  her  latter  days  once  said  that  she  always  sus 
pected  that  her  husband  destroyed  it."  Commenting  on 
this,  a  descendant  informed  the  present  writer  that  "the 
story  of  the  portrait,  as  related  by  the  Antiquarian,  is 
substantially  correct,  except  that  Mrs.  Lawrence  did  not 


152  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

suspect  her  second  husband  of  making  away  with  it;  it 
disappeared  in  some  way,  but  her  allusions  to  her  hus 
band's  complicity  were  always  made  with  a  laugh."1  It 
would  be  interesting  to  know  when  and  where  such  a 
miniature  was  painted — possibly  in  New  London  when 
Hale  was  teaching  school  there,  but  hardly  in  camp  after 
that. 

The  Antiquarian  also  contains  the  following  reference 
to  Hale's  personal  appearance:  "Mrs.  Hastings,  now  a 
resident  of  Brooklyn  (1889),  is  the  granddaughter  of 
the  woman  who  was  Nathan  Hale's  betrothed.  She 
heard  her  grandmother  speak  many  times  of  Nathan 
Hale,  and  remembers  many  interesting  details  regarding 
him,  most  of  which  have  never  reached  history.  Nathan 
was,  her  grandmother  used  to  say,  over  six  feet  in  height. 
He  had  a  full  and  beautifully-featured  face  and  a  firm 
and  sympathetic  almost  benign  expression;  his  complex 
ion  was  rosy;  his  hair  was  soft  and  brown,  and  his  eyes 
light  blue;  his  form  was  erect,  slender,  powerful,  and 
remarkable  for  grace;  he  was  an  athlete  in  his  college 
days,  and  could  with  ease  leap  out  of  one  hogshead  into 
another  placed  beside  it;  his  chest  was  broad  for  his 
height  and  he  was  a  great  runner."  This  corresponds  to 
the  description  Lossing,  in  his  "Two  Spies,"  states  he 
received  from  Dr.  Munson,  who  knew  Hale,  in  1848. 

There  is  a  reference  to  a  profile  of  Hale  in  the  corre 
spondence  in  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Library. 

1  At  the  time  of  the  erection  of  the  Hale  Statue  in  the  Capitol  building 
at  Hartford,  1887,  there  were  living  in  that  city  two  granddaughters  of 
Alice  Adams — Mrs.  Dr.  Hastings  and  Miss  Elizabeth  B.  Sheldon.  Our 
principal  information  respecting  Hale's  engagement  has  come  down 
through  these  descendants,  and  the  author  has  followed  their  versions 
in  this  work.  In  the  Hartford  Courant  for  June  16,  1887,  there  is  a 
brief  article  on  the  subject  as  corrected  by  Miss  Sheldon.  The  author, 
also,  has  MSS.  notes  from  other  descendants,  and  Mr.  Stillman,  who 
was  personally  acquainted  with  Alice  Adams  in  her  later  years. 


MINIATURE  AND  PROFILE  OF  HALE         153 

Giving  facts  and  traditions  for  Mr.  Stuart's  use  in  1856, 
Mr.  Abiel  Abbot,  already  referred  to,  page  10,  wrote  as 
follows,  his  mother,  niece  of  Nathan,  having  already 
mentioned  it  in  a  letter  written  about  the  same  time : 

"The  portrait  of  Capt.  Nathan  Hale  on  the  chamber  door," 
was  merely  a  profile  on  the  inner  side  of  the  only  door  opening 
into  the  north  chamber, — near  the  middle  of  the  upper  pair  of 
panels,  extending  partly  on  each  panel,  about  the  hight  of  a  man 
standing.  It  was  simply  a  head  showing  the  front  features  of 
the  face  in  profile,  drawn  about  the  size  of  life  as  though  by 
means  of  a  shadow  on  the  door  from  a  distant  light,  with  one 
continuous  strong  line  from  neck  over  &  to  neck  again, — black 
enough  for  ink  yet  not  ragged  as  ink  lines  on  wood  often  are — 
possibly  made  with  a  very  black  pencil. 

The  door,  she  [Mrs.  Abbot]  thinks  had  never  been  painted. 
The  house  was  built  many  years  before ;  but  parts,  still  unfinished 
when  she  went  to  live  there,  were  finished  at  different  times  after 
wards.  Allusions  were  still  frequent  to  "The  old  house"  then  torn 
down,  which  had  stood  two  or  three  rods  to  the  southeast. 

The  profile  was  always  regarded  in  the  family  as  taken  for 
her  uncle  Nathan;  she  does  not  recollect  to  have  ever  heard  the 
fact  either  doubted  or  positively  stated ;  or  to  have  known  when 
or  by  whom  it  was  taken,  or  whether  considered  a  good  likeness 
or  otherwise;  or  to  have  heard  any  criticism  or  even  much  con 
versation  respecting  it.  She  says  "probably  less  was  thought  of 
such  things  in  those  days  than  at  present — besides,  his  image  was 
so  strongly  impressed  on  their  hearts  they  had  no  need  of  the 
profile  as  a  remembrance,  and,  though  sometimes  alluded  to,  it 
was  too  nearly  connected  with  his  unhappy  fate  to  permit  them  to 
say  much  about  it."  The  profile  remained  without  change  so 
long  as  she  resided  there  &  for  many  years  after,  probably  so  long 
as  any  of  the  Hale  family  occupied  the  place.  In  her  visits  to 
Coventry  she  always  went  to  the  old  homestead  (until  after  the 
spring  of  1820  the  last  time  she  ever  remained  over  night  at  the 
house)  generally  if  not  always  occupying  that  chamber;  and  she 
never  noticed  any  change;  if  she  had,  it  would  have  made  an 
impression  not  to  be  forgotten.  But  on  the  completion  of  the 


154  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Hale  monument  (1846)  she  with  her  son  Harris  &  sister  Nelson 
visited  Coventry,  and  called  at  the  old  homestead  and,  mentioning 
the  profile  on  the  door  with  a  request  to  see  it,  were  kindly  shown 
up, — when  to  her  surprise  she  found  it  invisible; — the  chamber, 
including  of  course  the  door,  had  been  painted. 


Sergeant  Hempstead  and  Hale 

The  following  letter  from  Hale's  sergeant,  Stephen 
Hempstead,  contributed  to  the  Missouri  Republican,  in 
1827,  and  reprinted  in  the  Long  Island  Star  on  April  5 
of  the  same  year,  forms  part  of  the  Hale  material  we 
have  to  draw  upon.  This  copy  is  from  the  Star: 

REVOLUTIONARY  INCIDENTS 
THE  CAPTURE  AND  EXECUTION  OF  CAPT.  HALE,  IN  1776 

Most  of  those  who  achieved  our  Independence  are  no  more. 
The  common  age  of  man  has  passed  since  the  days  of  '76,  and 
"the  time  that  tried  men's  souls."  But  a  few  have  been  permitted 
to  live  beyond  that  age,  and  these  few  are  every  year,  nay,  daily 
gathering  unto  their  fathers.  When  the  few  surviving  shall  cease 
to  be,  the  oft-told  tale,  by  eye  witnesses,  of  many  interesting  inci 
dents  of  that  glorious  struggle,  will  soon  become  a  traditional 
legend — a  fable — and  a  tale;  their  authenticity  lost,  by  growing 
time,  and  the  real  facts  and  circumstances  clothed  with  so  many 
accumulating  and  varying  folds  of  fancy,  and  imagination,  as  to 
be  no  longer  descernible.  Impressed  with  this  conviction,  I  have, 
Mr.  Editor,  thought  it  a  duty  every  survivor  of  the  Revolution 
owes  to  himself,  and  country,  to  contribute  his  mite  to  her  glory, 
in  communicating  such  matters  as  would  be  worth  preserving ;  and 
as  you  have  already  learnt,  I  had  a  share  in  the  toils  and  sufferings 
of  that  period.  I  have  noted  two  incidents,  for  my  own  satis 
faction  and  the  benefit  of  my  children,  which  you  are  at  liberty  to 
publish.  The  first  of  these,  is  the  capture  and  execution  of  Cap- 


HEMPSTEAD'S  ACCOUNT  OF  HALE  155 

tain  Nathan  Hale,  September,  1776,  on  New  York  Island — [the 
other  I  will  communicate  hereafter.]1 

Captain  Hale  was  one  of  the  most  accomplished  officers,  of  his 
grade  and  age,  in  the  army.  He  was  a  native  of  the  town  of 
Coventry,  state  of  Connecticut,  and  a  graduate  of  Yale  College — 
young,  brave,  honorable — and  at  the  time  of  his  death  a  Captain 
in  Col.  Webb's  Regiment  of  Continental  Troops.  Having  never 
seen  a  circumstantial  account  of  his  untimely  and  melancholy  end, 
I  will  give  it.  I  was  attached  to  his  company  and  in  his  confidence. 
After  the  retreat  of  our  army  from  Long  Island,  he  informed  me, 
he  was  sent  for  to  Head  Quarters,  and  was  solicited  to  go  over 
to  Long  Island  to  discover  the  disposition  of  the  enemy's  camps, 
&c.,  expecting  them  to  attack  New  York,  but  that  he  was  too 
unwell  to  go,  not  having  recovered  from  a  recent  illness;  that 
upon  a  second  application,  he  had  consented  to  go,  and  said  I  must 
go  as  far  with  him  as  I  could,  with  safety,  and  wait  for  his  return. 
Accordingly,  we  left  our  Camp  on  Harlem  Heights,  with  the 
intention  of  crossing  over  the  first  opportunity;  but  none  offered 
until  we  arrived  at  Norwalk,  fifty  miles  from  New  York.  In 
that  harbor,  there  was  an  armed  sloop  and  one  or  two  row  galleys. 
Capt.  Hale  had  a  general  order  to  all  armed  vessels,  to  take  him 
to  any  place  he  should  designate:  he  was  set  across  the  Sound,  in 
the  sloop,  at  Huntington  (Long-Island)  by  Capt.  Pond,  who  com 
manded  the  vessel.  Capt  Hale  had  changed  his  uniform  for  a 
plain  suit  of  citizens  brown  clothes,  with  a  round  broad-brimmed 
hat,  assuming  the  character  of  a  Dutch  school-master,  leaving  all 
his  other  clothes,  commission,  public  and  private  papers,  with  me, 
and  also  his  silver  shoe  buckles,  saying  they  would  not  comport  with 
his  character  of  school-master,  and  retaining  nothing  but  his  Col 
lege  diploma,  as  an  introduction  to  his  assumed  calling.2  Thus 

1  The   second  article  was  on  the  capture  of  the   Groton  fort  by  the 
British  when  Arnold  set  fire  to  New  London  in  1781.     Hempstead  was 
desperately  wounded  in  the   affair.     The   account  is   given   in   "Allyn's" 
book  on  the  Groton  fight.     Stuart  gives  a  good  notice  of  Hempstead  in 
the  Appendix  to  his  work.     After  the  Revolutionary  War  the   sergeant 
removed  to  the  vicinity  of   St.   Louis,   where   he   lived   and   was   highly 
respected  for  many  years. 

2  As  to  Hale's  "brown  clothes,"  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  request  he 
made  of  his  brother  Enoch  in  the  postscript  to  his  letter  of  June  3,  1776: 


156  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

equipped,  we  parted  for  the  last  time  in  life.  He  went  on  his 
mission,  and  I  returned  back  again  to  Norwalk,  with  orders  to 
stop  there  until  he  should  return,  or  hear  from  him,  as  he  expected 
to  return  back  again  to  cross  the  sound,  if  he  succeeded  in  his 
object.  The  British  army  had,  in  the  mean  time,  got  possession 
of  New  York,  whither  he  also  passed,  and  had  nearly  executed  his 
mission,  and  was  passing  the  British  piquet  guard  between  the  lines 
of  the  two  armies,  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  his  own  quarters, 
when  he  was  stopped  at  a  tavern,  at  a  place  called  the  "Cedars." 
Here  there  was  no  suspicion  of  his  character  being  other  than  what 
he  pretended,  until,  most  unfortunately,  he  was  met  in  the  crowd 
by  a  fellow-countryman,  and  an  own  relation  (but  a  tory  and  a 
renegado,)  who  had  received  the  hospitality  of  his  board,  and  the 
attention  of  a  brother  from  Captain  Hale,  at  his  quarters  at 
Winter  Hill,  in  Cambridge,  the  winter  before.  He  recognized 
him,  and  most  inhumanly  and  infamously  betrayed  him,  divulging 
his  true  character,  situation  in  the  army  etc. ;  and  having  him 
searched,  his  diploma  corroborated  his  relative's  statement  when, 
without  any  formality  of  trial,  or  delay,  they  hung  him  instanta 
neously,  and  sent  a  flag  over  to  our  army,  stating  "that  they  had 
caught  such  a  man  within  their  lines,  that  morning,  and  had  hung 
him  as  a  spy."  Thus  suddenly  and  unfeelingly  did  they  rush  this 
young  and  worthy  man  into  eternity,  not  allowing  him  an  hour's 
preparation,  nor  the  privilege  of  writing  to  his  friends,  nor  even 
to  receive  the  last  consolations  of  his  religion,  refusing  to  let  the 

"Sister  Rose  talked  of  making  me  some  Linen  cloth  similar  to  Brown 
Holland  for  Summer  ware.  If  she  has  made  it,  desire  her  to  keep  it 
for  me." — So  far  as  we  can  confirm  Hempstead's  account  his  memory 
appears  to  have  been  quite  accurate.  We  know  there  was  a  Captain 
Pond,  commanding  a  sloop  at  Norwalk  or  vicinity  and  that  two  "rebel" 
sloops  were  in  Huntington  harbor  about  the  time  Hale  crossed.  We 
have  stated  our  belief  that  Hale  had  his  diploma,  A.B.  or  A.M.,  with 
him  in  camp.  Neither  of  his  diplomas  has  come  to  light.  His  brown 
suit  may  have  been  made  from  the  "Brown  Holland"  he  mentions. 

Enoch  Hale  states  that  his  brother  crossed  the  Sound  from  Stamford. 
Hempstead  says  Norwalk,  and  he  has  been  followed  as  being  Hale's 
attendant.  Enoch  obtained  his  information  in  camp  near  White  Plains, 
at  a  time  in  October  when  Hempstead  was  with  the  Rangers  above 
Harlem.  He  could  not  have  seen  him  then.  The  sloops  were  at  Norwalk, 


PLACE  OF  H ALE'S  CAPTURE  157 

chaplain  pray  with  him,  as  was  his  request.  After  parting  with 
Captain  Hale,  of  all  these  circumstances,  I  was  authentically 
informed  at  the  time,  and  do  most  religiously  believe  them. 

Such  was  the  melancholy  fate  of  Capt.  Hale.  While  the  stern 
rigor  of  military  law  justified  his  execution,  (betrayed  as  he  was, 
most  foully,  by  this  ungrateful  relation  and  villainous  tory,)  yet, 
who  that  knew  him  as  I  did — embarked  in  the  same  hazardous 
enterprize,  and  had  been  together  in  the  perilous  service  of  the 
field — but  would  drop  the  tear  of  pity  for  his  worth?  It  is  true 
he  died  upon  the  "inglorious  tree,"  not  the  death  of  the  soldier; 
but  it  is  likewise  true,  he  suffered  for  his  country's  sake.  And 
Andre  died  also  the  "death  of  a  spy,"  but  did  he  fill  an  inglorious 
grave?  I  do  not  mourn  at  the  sympathy  for  the  man,  which  was 
felt  for  Andre — in  Europe  and  America — by  the  fair,  and  the 
brave — the  friend  and  the  foe — by  America  and  by  Briton.  No! 
God  forbid! — But  I  do  think  it  hard,  that  HALE — who  was 
equally  brave,  learned,  young,  accomplished,  and  honorable — 
should  be  forgotten  on  the  very  threshold  of  his  fame,  even  by 
his  countrymen;  that  while  our  own  historians  have  done  honor 
to  the  memory  of  Andre,  HALE  should  be  unknown;  that  while 
the  remains  of  the  former  have  been  honored,  even  by  our  own 
country,  those  of  the  latter  should  rest  among  the  clods  of  the 
valley,  undistinguished,  unsought  and  unhonored. 

STEPHEN  HEMPSTEAD,  SR. 

NOTE  BY  HEMPSTEAD. — "The  only  historical  notice  I  can  find  of  this 
event,  is  in  Mrs.  Warren's  History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the 
American  Revolution.  Vol.  II,  p.  264."  Hempstead  then  gives  the 
Warren  extract,  which  is  of  a  general  character,  comparing  Hale  with 
Andre.  Hempstead's  letter  was  also  reprinted  in  the  Supplement  to  the 
Hartford  Courant,  for  April  2,  1827.  It  omits  the  first  few  sentences 
and  the  quotation  from  Mrs.  Warren's  History. 

Place  of  Hale's  Capture  and  Execution 

The  people  of  Huntington,  Long  Island,  patriotically 
honored  the  name  of  Hale  in  1894  with  the  erection  of  a 
memorial  column  and  fountain.  The  tradition  that  he 
was  captured  there  on  his  way  back  to  the  American 


i $8  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

camp  has  been  generally  followed  since  Thompson's  and 
Stuart's  accounts  appeared.  Stuart's  story  based  on  local 
statements  made  out  in  his  time,  about  1846-50,  is  to  the 
effect  that  upon  his  return  to  Huntington  from  the  British 
camp,  Hale  went  to  a  tavern  at  a  place  called  the  Cedars 
and  there  waited  for  a  boat  to  take  him  across  to  Con 
necticut.  A  boat  presently  appearing  he  hurried  down  to 
the  shore  only  to  find  that  it  belonged  to  a  British  man- 
of-war  whose  crew,  with  leveled  muskets,  brought  him  to 
a  halt  and  conveyed  him  back  to  their  ship.  In  the  boat 
there  was  a  tory  relative  of  Hale's  who  betrayed  him  and 
assisted  in  his  capture.  The  captive  was  then  sent  to 
Howe's  headquarters  at  New  York.  Thompson,  Onder- 
donk,  a  well-known  Long  Island  antiquarian,  and  two  or 
three  old  men  had  previously  given  the  boat  incident  with 
out  the  tavern  elaboration  or  the  particular  movements  of 
the  relative.  The  old  men,  Solomon  Townsend,  William 
Ludlam,  and  Solomon  Wooden,  represented  that  they 
heard  of  the  capture  at  the  time.  One  of  them  is  said  to 
have  had  the  story  from  the  very  crew  that  arrested  Hale. 
In  1776  these  men  would  have  been  boys  from  ten  to 
fifteen  years  of  age. 

The  main  difficulty  in  the  case  is  the  presence,  or 
rather  absence,  of  the  ship-of-war.  The  vessel  named 
was  the  Halifax,  already  referred  to,  commanded  by 
Captain  Quarme.  We  have  had  its  "log"  in  the  London 
Record  Office  carefully  examined  and  find  nothing  con 
firmatory  of  the  Huntington  theory.  At  the  time  Hale 
would  be  making  his  way  to  that  place,  September  20 
and  21,  the  Halifax  was  sailing  away  from  there  and  on 
the  night  of  the  2ist,  when  Howe's  order  states  that  Hale 
was  "apprehended,"  she  was  at  anchor  at  her  previous 
moorings  off  City  Island,  some  twenty-five  miles  distant 
up  the  Sound — her  boats  and  two  tenders  with  her.  Her 
consorts,  the  Niger  and  Le  Brnne,  were  in  the  same  vicin- 


PLACE  OF  RALE'S  CAPTURE  159 

ity.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Sound,  off  Block  Island  and 
Montauk  Point,  the  Cerberus,  Merlin  and  Syren,  were 
cruising  "in  company"  on  the  dates  named,  as  they  had 
been  for  some  time  before.  There  were  no  other  British 
ships  in  the  Sound. 

We  have  seen  in  the  previous  chapter,  page  no,  that 
the  Halifax  was  off  Huntington  on  September  17  and  18, 
looking  for  two  rebel  privateers.  It  was  her  first  visit  to 
that  harbor.  Finding  nothing,  to  quote  from  her  log,  she 
"weighed  and  came  to  sail"  on  the  i8th  to  return  to 
City  Island.  On  the  I9th  she  was  "turning  to  the 
West  wd,"  "Tacking  occasionally"  toward  Hempstead 
Bay.  On  the  2Oth,  under  "Remarks  at  anchor  off  White- 
stone  Point,"  we  read:  "First  part  fresh  Breezes  and 
Hazey  middle  and  Latter  light  Breezes  and  Fair.  P.  M. 
at  3  came  too  off  Hampsted  Bay."  Saturday,  the  2ist: 
"P.  M.  at  4  Weighed  with  the  Kitty  &  Swift  Tenders  in 
company  at  5  came  too  off  Whitestone  Bay  .  .  .  Lewis's 
House  South —  .  .  .  at  %  past  1 1  came  too  off  New 
Citty  Isld  -  -  Tenders  in  C°." 

The  log  makes  no  mention  of  the  capture  of  a  prisoner 
or  a  spy,  although  minor  occurrences  are  given.  The  log 
of  the  Niger,  then  moored  "off  Whitestone,"  contains 
the  entries,  September  18:  "At  8  A.  M.  Came  on  board 
two  Deserters  from  the  Rebel  army  sent  them  to  Head 
Quarters";  September  20:  "At  7  P.M.  was  hail'd  from 
ye  N.  Shore  sent  a  Boat  to  D°  which  Return'd  with  a 
Rebel  Officer  a  Deserter  from  their  army.  A.  M. 
anchored  here  the  Halifax  from  ye  E*  wd  sent  ye  Rebel 
Officer  Head  Quarters."  Clearly  the  log  of  the  Halifax 
would  have  mentioned  such  a  capture  as  the  Huntington 
tradition  makes  out. 

Furthermore,  the  story,  with  its  tavern  scene,  the  mys 
terious  relative  and  Hale's  joy  on  hearing  of  an  approach 
ing  boat  and  walking  down  to  meet  it,  requires  good  day- 


i6o  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

light  for  its  setting.  Howe  says  the  spy  was  seized  in 
the  "night."  And  as  to  the  relative,  if  he  were  then  a 
Commissary  of  Prisoners  why  should  he  be  posted  there, 
with  no  troops  or  ships  guarding  the  place  and  rebel 
privateers  hovering  on  the  opposite  shore? 

The  Huntington  tradition,  in  which  Stuart  himself  does 
not  appear  to  have  had  entire  confidence,  and  for  which 
Thompson  gives  as  his  authority  "it  is  said,"  could  well 
have  been  constructed  out  of  hearsay  from  two  different 
points.  First,  the  Halifax  was  occasionally  moored  off 
Huntington  from  November,  1776,  until  about  1778.  In 
1779  she  was  condemned  as  unserviceable.  Captain 
Quarme  may  have  heard  of  Hale's  capture  and  execu 
tion  and  spoken  of  it  on  shore  at  Huntington  during  these 
later  visits.  In  after  time  a  belief,  founded  on  hazy  and 
contradictory  recollections,  may  have  been  current  that 
he  was  the  captor.  Second,  Sergeant  Hempstead  states 
in  his  account,  already  given,  that  he  heard  and  believed 
at  the  time  that  Hale  was  captured  at  a  tavern,  at  a 
place  called  the  "Cedars,"  near  the  British  picket  lines  on 
the  Harlem  front  and  that  a  tory  relative  recognized  and 
betrayed  him  there.  The  letter  of  1777,  given  under  a 
following  heading,  is  to  the  same  effect,  that  is,  that  Hale 
was  arrested  and  betrayed  at  the  British  lines  on  New 
York  Island.  In  these  statements  we  have  the  gist  of 
the  Huntington  story — a  tavern,  the  "Cedars,"  Hale 
attempting  to  escape,  and  betrayed  by  a  relative.  Hemp- 
stead's  account,  reprinted  in  the  Long  Island  Star  and  the 
Hartford  C  our  ant,  in  1827,  several  years  before  Thomp 
son  or  Stuart  wrote  on  Hale,  associated  with  what 
Quarme  might  have  said,  could  easily  supply  material  for 
a  local  tradition. 

Stuart,  in  the  preface  to  his  work,  mentions  having 
statements  or  affidavits  from  one  or  more  of  the  old  men 
referred  to,  and  "especially"  the  statement  of  Tennis 


SITE  OF  BALE'S  EXECUTION  161 

Bogart  and  Andrew  Hegeman,  who  claimed  to  have  seen 
Hale  hanged  on  an  apple  tree  near  Colonel  Rutgers' 
mansion,  surrounded  by  spectators,  including  women  who 
"sobbed  aloud."  But  we  now  know  that  this  statement 
is  worthless — Hale  having  been  executed  nearly  four 
miles  above  Rutgers'.  We  need  more  than  such  state 
ments  or  affidavits. 

In  the  Huntington  tradition  everything  depends  upon 
the  presence  of  the  Halifax  or  some  other  ship.  It  is 
shown  that  there  was  no  ship  there.  The  weight  of  evi 
dence  is  in  favor  of  New  York  Island,  or  its  immediate 
vicinity,  as  the  place  of  Hale's  capture.  It  is  difficult  to 
interpret  Aid-de-Camp  Webb's  information  differently, 
namely,  as  he  told  Enoch  Hale,  that  Nathan  "being  sus 
pected  by  his  movements  that  he  wanted  to  get  out  of 
New  York,  was  taken  up  and  examined  by  the  general 
and  some  minutes  being  found  with  him,  orders  were 
immediately  given  he  should  be  hanged."  The  earliest 
mention  of  Hale's  fate  appears  in  a  letter  written  from 
the  Harlem  Camp,  September  26,  only  four  days  after 
his  execution.  The  extract,  published  soon  after  in  one 
or  more  Connecticut  papers,  reads:  "One  Hale,  in  New 
York,  on  suspicion  of  being  a  spy,  was  taken  up  and 
dragged  without  ceremony  to  the  execution  post,  and 
hung  up — Gen.  Washington  has  since  sent  in  a  flag  sup 
posed  to  be  on  that  account."  In  all  the  first  references 
to  Hale's  fate  there  is  no  suggestion  of  the  Huntington 
locality. 

As  to  the  site  of  Hale's  Execution — we  have  referred 
to  the  interest  and  significance  attaching  to  it.  It  was 
within  a  short  mile  of  Howe's  headquarters  at  the  Beek- 
man  mansion,  and  in  front  of  the  Artillery  Park  of  the 
army.  As  we  have  said  on  page  126,  artillery  was  parked 
at  two  places,  neither  of  them  being  mentioned  until  three 
weeks  after  the  execution.  Howe's  orders  first  locate 


1 62  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

such  a  park  at  the  Dove  Tavern,  Third  Avenue  and 
Sixty-sixth  Street,  on  October  1 1 ;  on  the  29th,  Earl  Percy 
orders  certain  regiments  to  apply  for  cartridges  "to  the 
Artilery  at  Turtle  Bay."  As  Turtle  Bay  was  the  site  of 
a  garrison  artillery  camp  in  1766,  as  the  Beekman 
mansion  was  much  nearer  to  it  than  the  Dove  Tavern, 
as  Montressor  would  naturally  be,  with  other  aids,  at 
the  mansion,  or  in  "a  marquee"  on  the  grounds,  and  as 
Hale  was  taken  from  the  marquee  to  the  gallows,  the 
natural  inference  would  be  that  Turtle  Bay  was  the  site 
of  the  execution.  This  was  the  site  given  in  the  first 
edition  of  this  work. 

Since  its  publication,  however,  in  1901,  the  author  has 
found,  among  the  maps  in  the  British  Museum,  a  topo 
graphical  sketch  or  survey  of  the  greater  part  of  New 
York  Island  and  Brooklyn,  showing  the  position  of  the 
British  army  during  September-October,  1776.  Although 
without  date,  names  or  description,  its  character  and  im 
portance  as  throwing  light  on  the  point  in  question  are 
obvious.  It  bears  all  the  marks  of  the  work  of  Captain 
Montressor,  who  made  many  such  maps  before  and  dur 
ing  the  first  years  of  the  war.  This  survey  shows,  what 
was  already  known,  that  after  landing  on  New  York 
Island,  September  15,  Howe's  army  encamped  in  two 
lines  between  Turtle  Bay,  at  Forty-fifth  Street  and 
Harlem.  The  first  line  or  division,  commanded  by  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  encamped  at  different  points  from  about 
Eighty-second  Street  to  McGowan's  Pass  and  westerly 
toward  the  Hudson.  It  was  the  advance  of  this  division 
that  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Harlem  Heights,  fought 
on  the  1 6th.  The  second  line,  commanded  by  Earl  Percy, 
and  consisting  of  the  Second  and  Sixth  Brigades  and  the 
Brigade  of  Guards,  ten  regiments  in  all,  encamped  on  the 
line  of  Seventy-third  Street,  between  Third  Avenue  and 


SITE  OF  BALE'S  EXECUTION  163 

the  lake  in  Central  Park.  The  Guards,  apparently,  en 
camped  by  themselves  a  short  distance  below,  on  the 
line  of  Seventieth  Street,  near  the  present  Normal  or 
Hunter  College.  Just  below  the  Guards  on  the  main 
road  and  on  the  level  ground  adjoining  the  Dove  Tavern, 
an  encampment  is  marked,  composed  of  two  bodies,  which 
we  take  to  be  the  reserve  Artillery  and  Engineer  Corps. 
All  the  other  troops  and  bodies  in  Howe's  army  are 
otherwise  accounted  for.  No  camps  are  marked  below 
the  tavern  site — none  at  Turtle  Bay.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  the  map  bears  no  legend  or  references,  but  the  infer 
ence  seems  to  be  justified  that  the  encampment  at  the 
Dove  was  the  Artillery  Park  at  that  date  and  the  park  in 
front  of  which  Hale  was  executed.  The  sketch  is  drawn 
on  too  small  a  scale  to  represent  artillery,  as  usual,  with 
figures  of  guns. 

Furthermore,  it  is  probable  that  Montressor,  although 
an  aid  to  Howe,  still  occupied  his  quarters,  or  marquee, 
with  his  own  Engineer  Corps,  which  usually  accompanied 
the  artillery.  He  did  this  at  times  in  the  next  campaign. 
This  would  explain  his  presence  at  the  Dove  Artillery 
Park  when  Hale  was  executed.  It  would  also  appear  that 
the  quarters  of  Provost-Marshal  Cunningham  were  at  the 
same  camp  or  park,  his  paraphernalia,  evidently,  being 
at  hand  there.  During  the  campaign  against  Philadel 
phia  in  1777,  the  execution  of  British  deserters  and 
marauders  took  place,  almost  without  exception,  at  the 
Artillery  Park,  which  was  generally  near  headquarters. 
Hale  thus  suffered  at  the  usual  site  and  in  the  usual  way. 
The  provost-guard  around  him  was  composed  of  a  de 
tail  from  Percy's  division.  The  same  division  furnished 
the  daily  detail  of  guards  for  Howe's  own  quarters  and 
Turtle  Bay. 

A  pen-sketch  of  one  section  of  the  new  map,  with  the 


1 64  NATHAN  HALE, 

author's  references  added,  is  here  inserted  for  illustra 
tion.1 

Hale's  Betrayal  by  a  Relative 

Following  the  news  of  Hale's  execution,  a  report  imme 
diately  spread  among  some  of  his  friends  in  camp  that  he 
had  been  recognized  and  betrayed  by  a  tory  relative,  then 
with  the  British  army  at  New  York.  It  is  still  repeated 
and  credited.  While  the  rumor  has  never  been  traced  to 
a  responsible  source,  its  prevalence  can  readily  be  ex 
plained.  Mr.  Stuart,  Hale's  first  biographer,  rejected 
the  story  upon  what  appeared  to  him  satisfactory  grounds. 
The  present  writer  took  the  same  view  in  his  first  edition, 
and  finds  confirmation  in  the  references  to  the  point  that 
have  since  come  to  light. 

The  report  first  appeared  on  February  13,  1777,  in  the 
Essex  Journal,  published  at  Newburyport,  Mass.,  and 
was  reprinted  in  the  New  London  Gazette,  of  March 
14  following,  and  in  one  or  two  other  papers.  The 
account  reads: 

The  following  is  a  genuine  specimen  of  tory  benevo 
lence  and  may  be  depended  upon  as  real  matter  of  fact: 

Samuel  Hale,  late  of  Portsmouth  N.  H.,  after  his 
elopement  from  thence,  visited  an  uncle  in  Connecticut, 
where  he  was  hospitably  entertained ;  but  as  his  uncle  was 
a  Whig,  and  had  a  son,  a  young  gentleman  of  liberal 
education,  and  most  amiable  disposition,  who  strongly 
felt  for  his  bleeding  country,  and  being  active  in  the  mili 
tary  way  was  urged  and  prevailed  on  to  take  a  commis 
sion  in  the  Continental  Army;  consequently  Samuel  was 

1  This  map  goes  to  confirm  Mr.  Kelby's  discovery  of  the  location  of 
an  artillery  camp  at  Dove  Tavern  (page  118).  Through  him  and  Mon- 
tressor,  we  are  now  assured  beyond  question  of  the  site  of  Hale's  execu 
tion.  Mr.  Kelby's  interesting  letter  on  the  subject  may  be  found  incor 
porated  in  Mr.  John  Austin  Stevens'  account  of  Hale  in  the  New  York 
Herald,  for  November  25,  1893,  when  the  MacMonnies  statue  of  the 
young  patriot  was  dedicated  at  City  Hall  Park. 


ALLEGED  BETRAYAL  OF  HALE      165 

obliged  to  conduct  with  caution  and  counterfeit,  as  well 
as  he  could,  a  Whiggish  phiz,  while  he  tarried,  which 
was,  however,  but  a  short  time  before  he  made  his  escape 
to  General  Howe  in  New  York.  Sometime  after  this 
Captain  Hale,  at  the  request  of  the  General,  went  into 
New  York  in  disguise,  and  having  nearly  accomplished 
his  designs,  who  should  he  meet  but  his  above-said  cousin 
Samuel,  whom  he  attempted  to  shun ;  but  Sam  knew  him 
too  well.  Captain  Hale  soon  found  he  was  advertised, 
and  so  particularly  described,  that  he  could  not  get 
through  Long  Island.  He  therefore  attempted  to  escape 
by  King's  Bridge  and  so  far  succeeded  as  to  get  to  the 
outer  guard,  where  he  was  suspected,  apprehended,  car 
ried  back  and  tried,  and  yet  would  have  been  acquitted, 
had  not  his  affectionate  and  grateful  cousin  Samuel  ap 
peared  and  made  oath  that  he  was  a  captain  in  the  Contin 
ental  Army,  and  that  he  was  in  there  as  a  spy;  in  conse 
quence  of  which  he  was  immediately  hung  up.  However, 
at  the  gallows,  he  made  a  sensible  and  spirited  speech; 
among  other  things,  told  them  they  were  shedding  the 
blood  of  the  innocent,  and  that  if  he  had  ten  thousand 
lives,  he  would  lay  them  all  down,  if  called  to  it,  in 
defence  of  his  injured,  bleeding  Country. 

The  relative  referred  to  was  Nathan's  cousin,  Samuel 
Hale.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of  John  Hale,  of  Glouces 
ter,  Massachusetts,  or  "Cape  Ann,"  as  the  locality  was 
often  called.  In  the  records  of  Harvard  College,  where 
he  graduated  in  1766,  the  date  of  his  birth  is  given  as 
March  29,  1746,  making  him  nine  years  older  than 
Nathan.  The  latter  states  in  his  diary,  November  22, 
1775,  that  he  tried  "to  obtain  a  furlough  to  go  to  Cape 
Ann  and  keep  Thanksgiving,  but  could  not  succeed."  He 
would  probably  not  have  found  his  cousin  in  his  uncle's 
family  there,  as  Samuel  Hale  was  then  married  and  an 
established  lawyer  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire, 
where  his  uncle,  Major  Samuel  Hale,  lived.  Nathan's 


1 66  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

visit  to  this  uncle  in  1773  is  mentioned  on  page  40  and  he 
must  have  seen  something  of  his  cousin  Samuel  then. 
When  the  Revolution  broke  out  this  Samuel  opposed  the 
movement  and  became  a  pronounced  loyalist.  What  we 
know  of  him  thereafter  is  gathered  from  the  summary  of 
his  case  as  a  pensioner  in  England  after  the  war,  given  in 
the  loyalist  records  of  which  the  New  York  Public 
Library  possesses  copies.  In  Vol.  II,  ''Temporary  Sup 
port — Old  Claims,"  for  October-December,  1782,  Samuel 
Hale  is  represented  as  having  been  a  practicing  barrister 
in  New  Hampshire  before  the  war,  with  an  estate  of 
£500,  and  an  income  of  £200  or  more.  He  had  been 
a  member  of  the  town  council  at  Portsmouth  and 
deputy  register  to  the  probate  court.  He  "quitted" 
his  profession  in  1775,  being  compelled  to  leave  "after 
having  been  repeatedly  confined"  and,  with  other  loy 
alists,  made  his  way  to  the  British  army  at  Boston, 
Upon  its  evacuation  of  the  town  and  departure  to  Hali 
fax,  Hale  went  with  it.  A  news  item  in  the  Connecticut 
Journal,  April  3,  1776,  received  from  Cambridge,  says: 
"We  hear  that  J.  Wentworth,  Esq"  [loyalist  Governor 
of  New  Hampshire]  .  .  .  Edward  Lutwyche;  Samuel 
Hale,  of  Portsmouth,  Attorney,  and  about  fifty  others, 
"in  the  grand  ministerial  flight  of  the  I7th  instant,  all 
went  off  from  Boston  in  a  fishing  schooner."  Subse 
quently,  in  1776,  he  followed  Howe's  army  to  New  York 
and  was  there  appointed  "Deputy  Commissary  of  Prison 
ers,"  remaining  in  the  service  about  two  years. 

Going  to  England  he  sought  for  occupation  and  was 
offered  a  judgeship  in  South  Carolina,  then  partly  occu 
pied  by  British  troops;  but  declining  this  on  account  of 
the  climate,  he  applied  for  the  office  of  Solicitor  General 
at  Quebec.  He  was  recommended  as  "very  fit  for  it,"  but 
apparently  his  ignorance  of  the  French  language  pre 
vented  his  appointment.  Among  those  who  certified  to 


ALLEGED  BETRAYAL  OF  HALE      167 

his  loyalty  were  Governor  Wentworth,  Mr.  Galloway, 
and  a  Mr.  Livins,  the  latter  stating  that  he  had  known 
Samuel  Hale  many  years  and  thought  him  "a  very  sensible 
man."  Occasionally,  "as  she  wants  them,"  he  sent  remit 
tances  to  his  wife  in  America.  His  death  occurred  in 
England  in  1787,  the  same  year  his  father  died  at 
Gloucester.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  ability 
and  character,  with  promise  of  distinction. 

It  was  evidently  known  by  Nathan  Hale's  companions 
that  his  cousin  was  in  the  British  Camp.  Bitterness 
against  tories  ran  high  at  the  time,  and  in  their  grief  and 
indignation  over  their  comrade's  fate  his  friends  could 
readily  indulge  in  conjectures  or  suspicions  as  to  the  pos 
sible  conduct  of  the  cousin.  A  renegade  tory  relative  and 
traitor,  as  they  would  regard  him,  could  be  charged  with 
anything.  The  rumor  gathered  and  took  more  than  one 
form.  Enoch  Hale  had  heard,  October  15,  through  a 
letter  written  by  Dr.  Waldo,  that  Nathan  had  been  "be 
trayed,"  though  the  relative  was  not  mentioned.  This  was 
Dr.  John  Waldo,  then  surgeon  in  Colonel  Huntington's 
regiment.  As  he  came  from  Coventry,  his  interest  and 
anxiety  would  lead  him  to  notice,  and  perhaps  credit, 
reports  of  this  kind.  Hempstead,  as  we  have  seen,  heard 
a  story  of  Hale's  betrayal  at  the  British  picket  lines  and 
declared  that  he  religiously  believed  it.  Then  came  the 
Essex  Journal  account,  quoted  above,  and  finally,  sixty  or 
seventy  years  later,  the  Huntington  version.  All  may  be 
referred  to  contemporary  rumors  and  beliefs  in  camp; 
none  of  them  stand  on  any  tangible  basis. 

The  recently  recovered  letter  from  Deacon  Richard 
Hale,  Nathan's  father,  referred  to,  is  important  as  show 
ing  that  the  Newburyport  account  of  February  13,  1777, 
was  not  wholly  based  on  "fact,"  as  the  writer  alleged. 
Deacon  Hale  says  to  his  brother,  to  whom  he  was  writing : 
"You  desired  me  to  inform  you  about  my  son  Nathan — 


1 68  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

you  have  doubtless  seen  the  Newberry  Port  paper  that 
gives  the  acount  of  the  conduct  of  our  kinsman  Sam11  Hale 
toards  him  at  York — as  to  our  kinsman  being  here  it  is 
a  mistake."  We  have  seen  that  Samuel  Hale  was  a  refu 
gee  in  Howe's  Boston  camp  nearly  a  year  before.  He 
did  not  visit  Coventry  as  stated,  and  there  put  on  "a 
Whiggish  phiz."  It  may  be  noticed  also  that  Hempstead 
had  heard  something  to  the  same  effect,  that  Samuel  Hale 
had  visited  and  been  hospitably  entertained  by  Nathan  at 
his  quarters  in  the  American  camp.  Hale  says  nothing 
about  this  in  his  diary,  and  upon  the  face  of  it,  it  could 
not  be  true.  So  far  the  story  is  materially  weakened. 
Furthermore,  Deacon  Hale  wrote  that,  as  to  Samuel's 
alleged  conduct,  or  betrayal,  of  Nathan  at  New  York, 
"Mr.  Cleveland  of  Cape  Ann  first  reported  it  near  us  I 
sopose  when  on  his  way  from  the  Armey  where  he  had 
been  Chapling  home  as  what  was  probley  true."  This 
was  Rev.  Ebenezer  Cleaveland,  chaplain  of  Colonel 
Jonathan  Ward's  Massachusetts  regiment,  who  had  just 
left  camp  on  a  furlough.  The  returns  show  that  he  was 
present  with  his  regiment  on  September  21,  the  day  before 
Hale's  execution,  and  that  on  October  4  he  was  absent 
on  leave.  As  he  was  a  native  of  Canterbury,  Connecticut, 
he  doubtless  knew  of  the  Coventry  Hales  and  would 
inquire  for  particulars  as  to  Hale's  fate.  Among  other 
current  rumors,  he  heard  of  the  betrayal,  but  could 
report  it  on  his  way,  near  Coventry,  as  being  only  prob 
ably  true.  This  is  a  material  point  brought  out  by  the 
father's  letter.  Evidently  the  betrayal  was  accepted  as 
what  one  might  expect  from  a  tory  relative.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  the  story  came  across  the  lines.  The  whole 
seems  to  have  rested  on  a  willing  disposition  to  believe  it. 
We  have  no  more  than  what  was  then  regarded  as  the 
probability  in  the  case. 

On  the  other  hand  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  neither 


ALLEGED  BETRAYAL  OF  HALE      169 

Captain  Hull  nor  Enoch  Hale  mentions  this  belief.  These 
two,  our  best  authorities,  tell  us  that  Hale,  like  Andre, 
was  condemned  on  the  evidence  of  the  papers  found  on 
his  person,  in  connection  with  his  suspicious  movements 
which  led  to  his  arrest.  "Some  minutes  being  found 
with  him,  orders  were  immediately  given  that  he  should 
be  hanged." 

The  report  was  investigated  at  the  time  by  Hon.  Sam 
uel  Hale,  of  Portsmouth,  uncle  to  the  loyalist  Samuel, 
who  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  "a  malicious  fabri 
cation  without  the  least  shadow  of  foundation"  [Ports 
mouth  Journal,  September  23,  1826].  Some  of  the  Cov 
entry  relatives  refrained  from  speaking  of  the  matter, 
feeling  that  it  was  "buried  in  uncertainty"  and  could  be 
traced  to  nothing  beyond  "mere  report."  The  late  Rev. 
Edward  Everett  Hale  makes  this  reference  to  it  in  a  note 
to  his  Groton,  Connecticut,  address  on  Hale,  Memorial 
Day,  September  7,  1881 :  "In  the  rage  and  distress  of  the 
excitement  of  the  time,  the  rumor  spread  that  Hale  was 
betrayed  by  a  tory  kinsman.  ...  I  know  no  evidence  for 
it  beyond  '  'tis  said.'  I  know  that  my  father  did  not  be 
lieve  the  story  of  treachery;  I  do  not  think  his  father 
did." 

In  the  Appendix  to  Mr.  Stuart's  work,  there  is  an  inter 
esting  correspondence  in  the  matter,  including  a  letter 
from  the  "kinsman"  Samuel  Hale  himself,  to  his  wife, 
in  which  among  other  things,  he  denounced  the  infamous 
newspaper  publication  charging  him  with  "ingratitude," 
referring  obviously  to  the  betrayal  accusation. 

Officers  as  Spies — Major  Edmonston 

Very  few  officers  are  known  to  have  acted  as  spies,  on 
either  side,  during  the  Revolution.  Hale  and  Andre  ap 
pear  to  have  been  the  only  ones,  regularly  commissioned 


170  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

in  the  American  Continental  or  the  regular  British  army, 
who  were  executed.  A  Lieutenant  Palmer  was  hanged 
by  General  Putnam's  orders  in  1777,  but  he  was  a  tory. 
A  few  private  soldiers  and  civilians  were  caught  and  suf 
fered.  A  case  of  some  interest  comes  to  light  through  the 
records  of  the  "American  Loyalists,"  preserved  in  Lon 
don,  copies  of  which  have  been  made  for  the  New  York 
Public  Library.  It  there  appears  that  Major,  subse 
quently  Lieutenant-Colonel,  William  Edmonston,  of  the 
British  Forty-eighth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  stationed  in 
Canada,  served  as  a  spy  for  General  Howe  in  1776-77. 
Before  the  war  Edmonston  owned  a  large  farm  near  Ger 
man  Flats,  New  York.  In  September,  1776,  he  was  made 
prisoner  by  the  Tryon  County  Committee  and  sent  to 
General  Schuyler,  at  Albany,  who  in  turn  reported  his 
case  to  General  Washington.  The  latter  ordered  his  de 
tention  until  he  could  be  regularly  exchanged.  In  reality 
he  was  a  spy  at  that  time  or  later.  The  above  records 
show  that:  "Lt.  Col.  Edmonston  was  employed  on  very 
special  &  Secret  Services  by  Sr  Wm  Howe  on  the  same 
footing  as  the  late  Major  Andre,  was  several  times  taken 
prisoner  &  frequently  in  eminent  danger  of  his  Life,  & 
his  estates  would  have  been  secure,  but  from  a  discovery 
of  the  services  he  had  performed  being  made  public  by 
Sr  Wm  Howes  Correspondence  being  laid  before  the 
House  of  Commons.  He  claims  £6^0  for  money  ex 
pended  by  him  when  on  Secret  Services."  Also :  uSr  Wm 
Howe  certifies  as  to  his  exertion  in  the  Army  &  being  sent 
out  by  him  to  Sr  G.  Carleton  &  that  his  fortune  was  con 
fiscated. — Many  Certificates  as  to  his  services  &  that  he 
would  have  been  executed  if  he  had  been  taken  by  the 
Rebels." — American  Loyalists.  Audit  office  Transcripts. 
Vol.  II,  p.  103.— N.  Y.  Public  Library. 

In  the  Saratoga   Campaign,    1777,    Captain  Thomas 
Scott  of  the  British  Fifty-third  Regiment,  went  in  dis- 


HALE  NAMESAKES  171 

guise,  as  a  messenger  from  Burgoyne  to  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  at  New  York.  He  passed  through  the  territory 
occupied  by  our  troops  under  Gates  and  Putnam,  and,  if 
captured,  could  have  been  treated  as  a  spy.  His  letter 
giving  his  experiences  appears  in  Fonblanque's  "Bur 
goyne." 


Nathan  Hale,  Class  of  1769 

In  the  year  Nathan  entered  college  another  Nathan 
Hale  graduated,  class  of  1769.  No  relationship  between 
them  has  been  traced.  The  latter  came  from  Long- 
meadow,  Massachusetts,  and  subsequently  settled  as  a 
lawyer  at  Canaan  and  Goshen,  Connecticut.  In  the  first 
edition  of  this  work,  pp.  38-39,  the  author  credited  our 
Hale,  the  younger,  with  the  ownership  of  two  works  on 
divinity,  which  it  appears,  however,  must  have  belonged 
to  his  namesake.  The  latter  before  taking  up  law  had 
fitted  himself  for  the  ministry  and  would  naturally  possess 
such  wrorks.x  On  the  fly-leaf  of  one  there  is  written 
Nathan  Hale's  Book,  1768,  and  in  the  other  the  same, 
with  the  year  1771.  The  autograph  in  the  latter,  a 
"Treatise  on  Regeneration,  by  Peter  Van  Mastricht," 
closely  resembles  that  of  the  younger  Hale  at  that  date, 
and  seems  to  have  misled  one  of  its  early  owners  and 
subsequent  purchasers.  It  was  catalogued  in  the  famous 
Brinley  collection  as  having  once  belonged  to  the  martyr- 
spy,  and  was  sold  and  bought  as  such.  The  author  has 
since  been  shown  two  other  books  with  similar  fly-leaf 
entries,  but  the  writing  in  these  is  clearly  not  that  of  our 
Hale.  Still  another  contemporary  Nathan  Hale  was 
the  colonel  of  a  New  Hampshire  regiment  during  the 
Revolution. 

1  Dexter,  Yale  Biographies,  etc.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  338. 


APPENDIX 

KALE'S    CORRESPONDENCE,    ARMY    DIARY,    ETC., 
BIBLIOGRAPHY,  INDEX 

This  is  the  correspondence  of  young  men — most  of 
them,  like  Hale,  hardly  past  the  age  of  twenty-one. 
It  is  an  exceptional  collection,  never  intended  for  publi 
cation,  but  for  that  reason  of  much  interest  to-day.  How 
ever  expressed — it  was  the  style  and  habit  of  the  time — 
the  letters  are  full  of  fact  and  sentiment  and  often  curious 
in  punctuation  and  phraseology.  We  have  here  both  the 
college  and  the  everyday  youth  of  'Seventy-six. 


HALE'S  LETTERS  AND  PAPERS 
HALE  TO  His  CLASSMATE  THOMAS  MEAD  AT  NEW  HAVEN* 

Sr. 

This  is  the  first  opportunity  I  have  had  of  acknowledging  your 
favour  of  last  winter.  I  was,  at  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  in 
East  Haddam  (alias  Modos),  a  place,  which  I  at  first,  for  a  long 
time,  concluded  inaccessible,  either  by  friends,  acquaintance  or 
letters.  Nor  was  I  convinced  of  the  contrary  untill  I  re[cei]ved 
yours,  &  at  the  same  time,  two  others  from  Alden  and  Wyllys. 
Which  made  me,  if  possible,  value  your  letter  the  more. — 

It  was  equally  or  more  difficult,  to  convey  anything  from 
Modos.  True,  I  saw  the  bearer  of  yours  (Mr.  Medcaff)  some  few 
days  before  he  set  out  for  New  Haven,  and  desired  the  favour  of 
se[n]ding  some  letters  by  him.  Accordingly  I  had  written  letters 
to  you,  Alden  and  Wyllys  with  one  or  two  others;  but  upon 
enquiry,  I  found  that  Mr.  Medcaff  was  gone  too  soon  for  me. 
Since  which  I  have  scarce  had  an  opportunity  of  sending  towards 
N.  Haven, — 

I  want  much  to  receive  a  letter  from  you  and  a  full  history  of 
the  transactions  of  the  winter.  I  have  heard  many  flying  reports, 
but  know  not  what  to  conclude  as  to  the  truth  of  them.  Upon 
the  whole  I  take  it  for  certain,  that  the  Quintumviri  have  been 
massacred,  but  in  what  manner  I  have  not  been  sufficiently 
informed. — From  what  I  can  collect,  I  think  probable  you  have 
had  some  high  doings  this  winter,  but  expect  a  more  full  account 
of  these  matters  in  your  next.2 

I  am  at  present  in  a  School  in  New  London.  I  think  my  situa 
tion  somewhat  preferable  to  what  it  was  last  winter.  My  school 
is  by  no  means  difficult  to  take  care  of.  It  consists  of  about  30 
scholars;  ten  of  whom,  are  Latiners  and  all  but  six  of  the  rest  are 

1  Throughout  this  correspondence  the  long  "s"  of  the  time  was  gen 
erally  used  by  the  writers.     For  the  sake  of  uniformity  the  modern  short 
"s"  is  substituted  in  the  print. 

2  This  probably  refers  to  incidents  at  college,  perhaps  connected  with 
his  society,  Linonia. 


NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

writers.  I  have  a  very  convenient  school-house,  and  the  people  are 
kind  and  sociable. — I  promise  myself  some  more  satisfaction  in  writ 
ing  and  receiving  letters  from  you,  than  I  have  as  yet  had.  I  know 
of  no  stated  communication,  but  without  any  doubt,  opportunities 
will  be  much  more  frequent,  than  while  I  was  at  Modos. — For  the 
greater  part  of  the  last  year,  we  were  good  neighbours,  and  I 
always  thought,  very  good  friends.  Surely  so  good  on  my  part, 
that  it  would  be  matter  of  real  grief  to  me,  should  our  friend 
ship  cease. — The  only  means  for  maintaining  it  is  constant  writing : 
in  the  practice  of  which  I  am  ready  most  heartily  to  concur  with 
you;  and  do  hope  ever  to  remain,  as  at  present, 
Your  Friend  and 

Constant  Well-wisher 

New  London,  May  2d  NATHAN  HALE 

A.D.  1774, 

Mr,  Mead. 

[From  the  original  now  in  possession  of  Mr.  William  A.  Read, 

of  New  York.] 


HALE  TO  His  BROTHER  ENOCH 

[NEW  LONDON,  Se]pt  8th  1774 
Dear  Brother, 

I  have  a  word  to  write  and  a  minute  to  write  it  in.  I  received 
yours  of  }^esterday  this  morning.  Agreable  to  your  desire  I  will 
endeavour  [to]  get  the  cloth  and  carry  it  over  Saturday.  I  have 
no  news.  No  liberty-pole  is  erected  or  erecting  here;  but  the 
people  seem  much  more  spririted  than  they  were  before  the  alarm. 
Parson  Peters  of  Hebron,  I  hear,  has  had  a  second  visit  paid  him 
by  the  sons  of  liberty  in  Win  [d]  ham.  His  treatment,  and  the 
concessions  he  made  I  have  not  as  yet  heard.  I  have  not  heard 
from  home  since  I  came  from  there. 

Your  loving  Brother 

NATHAN  HALE. 
Mr  E  Hale  Lyme. 

[Original  in  possession  of  estate  of  the  late  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale.] 


APPENDIX  177 

HALE  TO  His  UNCLE,  SAMUEL  HALE,  PORTSMOUTH,  NEW 
HAMPSHIRE 

NEW  LONDON,  CONN.  Sep*  24th,  1774 
[This  letter  is  given  in  full  on  page  49.] 


HALE  TO  DR.  J^NEAS  MUNSON,  NEW  HAVEN 

NEW  LONDON,  November  30,  1774. 
Sir, 

I  am  happily  situated  here.  I  love  my  employment;  find  many 
friends  among  strangers;  have  time  for  scientific  study,  and  seem 
to  fill  the  place  assigned  me  with  satisfaction.  I  have  a  school  of 
more  than  thirty  boys  to  instruct,  about  half  of  them  in  Latin ;  and 
my  salary  is  satisfactory.  During  the  summer  I  had  a  morning 
class  of  young  ladies — about  a  score — from  five  to  seven  o'clock; 
so  you  see  my  time  is  pretty  fully  occupied,  profitably  I  hope  to  my 
pupils  and  to  their  teacher. 

Please  accept  for  yourself  and  Mrs.  Munson  the  grateful  thanks 
of  one  who  will  always  remember  the  kindness  he  ever  experienced 
whenever  he  visited  your  abode. 

Your  friend, 

NATHAN  HALE. 

[From  Lossing's   "Two   Spies,"   where   the   last   sentence   is  given  in 

facsimile.     Mr.   Lossing  states  that  he   copied   it  from  the   original  in 

possession    of    Dr.   Munson,    son   of   the   person   to   whom   the    letter  is 
addressed.] 


HALE  TO  THE  PROPRIETORS  OF  UNION  SCHOOL,  NEW  LONDON 

John  Winthrop  Esqr  Cap*  Joseph  Packwood 

Cap1  Guy  Richards  Cap1  William  Packwood 

Duncan  Stewart,  Esqr  Cap*  Richard  Deshon 

Cap*  Robin11  Mumford  Mr  John  Richards 

Mr  Roger  Gibson  Richard  Law  Esqr 

Winthrop  Saltonstall  Esqr  Mr  Timothy  Green 


178  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Cap4  David  Mumford  Mr  Samuel  Belden 

Thomas  Mumford  Esqr  Jeremiah  Miller  Esq. 

Mr  Silas  Church  Cap'  Russell  Hubbard 

Cap'  Michael  Mellaly  Mr  Nath1  Shaw,  Junr 

Capt  Thomas  Allen  Cap*  John  Crocker 

Cap4  Charles  Chadwick  Doctr  Thomas  Coit 

Gentlemen  Proprietors  of  Union  School  are  desired  to  meet 
at  the  School  House  next  Friday  Evening  (Feb.  24th)  6  O'clock, 
agreable  to  adjournment  from  the  3d  Inst,  to  the  rising  of  the 
Court.  The  matters  proposed  to  be  considered  were,  the  Act  of 
Incorporation — the  choice  of  proper  Officers  as  Committee  Clerk 
&c, — procuring  a  Bell,  and  what  else  might  be  thought  proper. 
The  occasion  of  the  Adjournment  was  the  smallness  of  the  Num 
ber  present, — That  there  might  not  be  the  same  occasion  for 
another,  more  early  Notice  was  directed  to  be  given,  by,  Gentle 
men 

Your  Humble  Servant 

N  HALE 
Wednesday  Feb.  22d  A.D.  1775 

No  Meeting  on  account  of  bad  Weather.1 

[From  the  original  in  possession,  1901,  of  the  late  Mr.  W.  F. 
Havemeyer,  New  York.} 


HALE  TO  THE  PROPRIETORS  OF  UNION  SCHOOL 

Gentlemen, 

Having  received  information  that  a  place  is  allotted  me  in  the 
army,  and  being  inclined,  as  I  hope  for  good  reasons  to  accept  it, 
I  am  constrained  to  ask  as  a  favour  that  which  scarce  anything 
else  would  have  induced  me  to:  which  is,  to  be  excused  from 
keeping  your  school  any  longer.  For  the  purpose  of  conversing 
upon  this,  and  of  procuring  another  master,  some  of  your  number 

1  In  the  correspondence  respecting  Hale,  Connecticut  Historical  Society 
archives,  mention  is  made  of  a  school-meeting  call  issued  by  him  in 
December,  1773.  He  was  then  at  East  Haddam. 


APPENDIX  179 

think  it  best  there  should  be  a  general  meetting  of  the  Proprietors. 
The  time  talked  of  for  holding  it,  is  6  O'Cl  this  afternoon  at  the 
School  House.  The  year  for  which  I  engaged  will  expire  within 
a  fortnight,  so  that  my  quitting  a  few  days  sooner  I  hope  will 
subject  you  to  no  great  inconvenience. 

Schoolkeeping  is  a  business  of  which  I  was  always  fond;  but 
since  my  residence  in  this  Town,  every  thing  has  conspired  to 
render  it  more  aggreeabble.  I  have  thought  much  of  never  quitting 
it  but  with  life ;  but  at  present  there  seems  an  opportunity  for  more 
extensive  public  service. 

The  kindness  expressed  me  by  the  people  of  the  place  but  espe 
cially  the  proprietors  of  the  School,  will  always  be  very  gratefully 
remembered  by 

your  Humble  Serv* 

NATHAN  HALE 
Friday,  July  7*  [1775] 

[From  the  original   now  in  possession  of  Hon.  Simon   Gratz, 
Philadelphia,  Pa.] 


HALE  TO  BETSEY  CHRISTOPHERS,  AT  NEW  LONDON 

CAMP  WINTER  HILL  Octr  19th  1775 
Dear  Betsey 

I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  freedom  in  writing  to  you,  as  I 
cannot  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  &  conversing  with  you.  What 
is  now  a  letter  would  be  a  visit  were  I  in  New  London  but  this 
being  out  of  my  power  suffer  me  to  make  up  the  defect  in  the 
best  manner  I  can.  I  write  not  to  give  you  any  news,  or  any 
pleasure  in  reading  (though  I  would  heartily  do  it  if  in  my  power) 
but  from  the  desire  I  have  of  conversing  with  you  in  some  form 
or  other. 

I  onece  wanted  to  come  here  to  see  something  extraordinary — 
my  curiosity  is  satisfied.  I  have  now  no  more  desire  for  seeing 
things  here,  than  for  seeing  what  is  in  New  London,  no,  nor  half 
so  much  neither.  Not  that  I  am  discontented — so  far  from  it, 
that  in  the  present  situation  of  things  I  would  not  except  a  fur- 


i8o  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

lough  wer[e]  it  offered  me.  I  would  only  observe  that  we  often 
flatter  ourselves  with  great  happiness  could  we  see  such  and  such 
things;  but  when  we  actually  come  to  the  sight  of  them  our  solid 
satisfaction  is  really  no  more  than  when  we  only  had  them  in 
expectation. 

All  the  news  I  have  I  wrote  to  John  Hallam — if  it  be  worth 
your  hearing  he  will  be  able  to  tell  you  when  he  delivers  this. 
It  will  therefore  not  [be]  worth  while  for  me  to  repeat. 

I  am  a  little  at  a  loss  how  you  carry  at  New  London — Jared 
Starr  I  hear  is  gone — The  number  of  Gentlemen  is  now  so  few 
that  I  fear  how  you  will  go  through  the  winter  but  I  hope  for 
the  best. 

I  remain  with  esteem 

Yr  Sincere  Friend 
&  Hble  Svt. 

N.  HALE 

[Original  now  in  possession  of  Yale  University  Library.] 


HALE  TO  His  BROTHER  ENOCH  AT  COVENTRY 

NEW  YORK,  May  30th,  1776. 
Dear  Brother 

Your  favor  of  the  9th.  of  May,  and  another  written  at  Nor 
wich,  I  have  received — the  former  yesterday.  You  complain  of 
my  neglecting  you;  I  acknowledge  it  is  not  wholly  without  rea 
son — at  the  same  time  I  am  conscious  to  have  written  you  more 
than  once  or  twice  within  this  half  year.  Perhaps  my  letters 
have  miscarried. 

I  am  not  on  the  end  of  Long  Island,  but  in  New  York, 
encamped  about  one  mile  back  of  city.  We  have  been  on  the 
Island,  and  spent  about  three  weeks  there,  but  since  returned.  As 
to  Brigades:  we  spent  part  of  the  Winter  at  Winter  Hill  in  Genl. 
Sullivan's — thence  we  were  removed  to  Roxbury,  and  annexed  to 
Genl  Spencer's — from  thence  we  came  to  New  York  in  Genl 
Heath's;  on  our  arrival  we  were  put  in  Genl.  Lord  Sterling's; 


APPENDIX  181 

here  we  continued  a  few  days,  and  were  returned  to  Genl.  Sulli 
van's;  on  his  being  sent  to  the  Northward,  we  were  reverted  to 
Lord  Sterling's,  in  whose  Brigade  we  now  remain.  In  the  first 
detachment  to  the  Northward  under  Genl.  Thomson,  Webb's 
regiment  was  put  down ;  but  the  question  being  asked  whether  we 
had  many  seamen,  and  the  reply  being  yes,  we  were  erased  and 
another  put  down  in  our  place. 

We  have  an  account  of  the  arrival  of  Troops  at  Halifax, 
thence  to  proceed  on  their  infamous  errand  to  some  part  of 
America. 

Maj.  Brooks  informed  me  last  evening,  that  in  conversation 
with  some  of  the  frequenters  at  Head  Quarters  he  was  told  that 
Genl.  Washington  had  received  a  packet  from  one  of  the  sherrifs 
of  the  city  of  London,  in  which  was  contained  the  Debates  at 
large  of  both  houses  of  Parliament — and  what  is  more,  the  whole 
proceedings  of  the  Cabinet.  The  plan  of  the  summer's  campaign 
in  America  is  said  to  be  communicated  in  full.  Nothing  has  yet 
transpired ;  but  the  prudence  of  our  Genl.  we  trust  will  make 
advantage  of  the  Intelligence.  Genl  Gates  (formerly  Adjt.  Genl. 
now  Majr  Genl)  is  gone  to  Philadelphia,  probably  to  communi 
cate  the  above. 

Some  late  accounts  from  the  northward  are  very  unfavorable, 
and  would  be  more  so  could  they  be  depended  on.  It  is  reported, 
that  a  fleet  has  arrived  in  the  River ;  upon  the  first  notice  of  which 
our  army  thought  it  prudent  to  break  up  the  siege  and  retire — 
that  in  retreating  they  were  attack'd  and  routed,  Numbers  kill'd, 
the  sick,  most  of  the  cannon  and  stores  taken.  The  account  is 
not  authentic:  We  hope  it  is  not  true. 

It  would  grieve  every  good  man  to  consider  what  unnatural 
monsters  we  have  as  it  were  in  our  bowels.  Numbers  in  this 
Colony,  and  likewise  in  the  western  part  of  Connecticut,  would 
be  glad  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  their  Country's  Blood.  Facts 
render  this  too  evident  to  admit  of  dispute.  In  this  city  such  as 
refuse  to  sign  the  Association  have  been  required  to  deliver  up 
their  arms.  Several  who  refused  to  comply  have  been  sent  to 
prison. 

It  is  really  a  critical  Period.  America  beholds  what  she  never 
did  before.  Allow  the  whole  force  of  our  enemy  to  be  but  30,000, 


1 82  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

and  these  floating  on  the  Ocean,  ready  to  attack  the  most 
unguarded  place.  Are  they  not  a  formidable  Foe?  Surely  they 
are. 

[NATHAN  HALE.] 

[As  given  in  Stuart.] 


HALE  TO  His  BROTHER  ENOCH  AT  COVENTRY 

NEW  YORK,  June  3d  1776. 
Dear  Brother, 

Your  Favour  of  the  9th  of  May  and  another  written  at  Nor 
wich  I  have  received — the  first  mentioned  on  the  19th  of  May 
ult— 

You  complain  of  my  neglecting  you —  It  is  not,  I  acknowledge 
wholly  without  Reason — at  the  same  time  I  am  consscious  to  have 
written  to  you  more  than  once  or  twice  within  this  half  year. 
Perhaps  my  letters  have  miscarried. 

I  am  not  on  Long  Island,  as  you  suppose;  but  in  New  York, 
encamped  about  1  mile  back  of  the  City.  We  have  been  on  the 
Island,  and  spent  about  three  weeks  there  but  since  returned. 

As  to  Brigades;  at  the  beginning  of  the  Campaign  we  were  at 
Winter  Hill  in  Gen1  Sullivan's;  from  thence  we  were  removed 
to  Roxbury  &  annexed  to  Gen1  Spencers;  we  marched  from  that 
place  here  in  Gen1  Heath's;  on  our  arrival  we  were  put  in  Gen1 
Lord  Sterling's;  here  we  continued  a  few  days  and  we  returned 
to  Gen1  Sullivan's,  on  his  being  ordered  to  the  northward  we 
reverted  to  Lord  Sterling,  in  whose  Brigade  we  still  remain. 

In  the  first  detachment  to  Canada  under  Gen1  Thomson,  Webb's 
Regiment  was  put  down;  but  the  question  being  asked  whether 
we  had  many  Seamen  &  the  answer  being  yes,  we  were  erased  and 
another  put  down  in  our  place. — Our  Continuance  or  removal 
from  here  depends  wholly  upon  the  operations  of  the  War. 

It  gives  pleasure  to  every  friend  of  his  country  to  observe  the 
health  which  prevails  in  our  army.  Doctr  Eli  (Surgeon  of  our 
Reg1)  told  me  a  few  days  since,  there  was  not  a  man  in  our 


APPENDIX  183 

Reg*  but  might  upon  occasion  go  out  with  his  Firelock.  Much 
the  same  is  said  of  other  Regiments. 

The  army  is  every  day  improving  in  Discipline  &  it  is  hoped 
will  soon  be  able  to  meet  the  enemy  at  any  kind  of  play.  My 
company  which  at  first  was  small,  is  now  increased  to  eighty  & 
there  is  a  Sergeant  recruiting  who  I  hope  has  got  the  other  10 
which  compleats  the  Company. 

We  are  hardly  able  to  judge  as  to  the  numbers  the  British 
army  for  the  Summer  is  to  consist  of — undoubted  sufficient  to 
cause  us  too  much  bloodshed. 

Genl.  Washington  is  at  the  Congress  being  sent  for  thither  to 
advise  on  matters  of  consequence. 

I  had  written  you  a  compleat  letter  in  answer  to  your  last  but 
missed  the  opportunity  of  sending  it. 

This  will  probably  find  you  in  Coventry — if  so  rem[em]ber 
me  to  all  my  friends — particularly  belonging  to  the  Family.  For 
get  not  frequently  to  visit  and  strongly  to  represent  my  duty  to 
our  good  Grand-mother  Strong.  Has  she  not  repeatedly  favoured 
us  with  her  tender  most  important  advice?  The  natural  Tie  is 
sufficient  but  increased  by  so  much  goodness,  our  gratitude  cannot 
be  too  sensible — I  always  with  respect  remember  Mr  Huntington 
&  shall  write  to  him  if  time  admits.  Pay  Mr  Wright  a  visit  for 
me.  Tell  him  Asher  is  well — he  has  for  some  time  lived  with 
me  as  a  waiter.  I  am  in  hopes  of  obtaining  him  a  Furlough  soon 
that  he  may  have  opportunity  to  go  home,  see  his  friends,  and  get 
his  summer  clothes. 

Asher  this  moment  told  that  our  Brother  Joseph  Adams  was 
here  yesterday  to  see  me,  when  I  happened  to  be  out  of  the  way. 
He  is  in  Col  Parson's  Reg*.  I  intend  to  see  him  today  and  if 
possible  by  exchanging  get  him  into  my  company. 

Yours  affectionately      N.  HALE. 

P.  S.  Sister  Rose  talked  of  making  me  some  Linen  clothe 
similar  to  brown  Holland  for  summer  ware  If  she  has  made  it, 
desire  her  to  keep  it  for  me.  My  love  to  her  the  Doctor  and 
Little  Joseph. 

[Original  in  possession  of  estate  of  the  late  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale.] 


184  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

HALE  TO  His  BROTHER  ENOCH  AT  COVENTRY 

NEW  YORK,  August  20,  1776 
[This  letter  appears  on  page  149.] 


HALE'S  ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  LINONIA  SOCIETY 

VALEDICTORY  TO  THE  "SIRS'" 
Kind  Sirs, 

Sorrow  which  hath  for  a  long  time  spared  to  molest  this  peace 
ful  society  with  its  disagreeable  presence,  has  we  see  at  length 
approach'd  it  and  bedim'd  your  countenances,  with  an  unusual 
kind  of  sadness.  Sorrow  is  indeed  unpleasing;  yet,  when  the  cause 
of  it  is  so  just  as  at  present,  how  shall  we  attempt  to  restrain  it? 
That  the  Gentlemen  who  have  now  taken  their  leave  of  us  were 
very  much  beloved  by  us,  our  inward  emotions,  as  well  as  counte 
nances,  do  very  strongly  testify.  They  have  been  rendered  dear  to 
us,  not  only  by  a  long  and  intimate  acquaintance,  but  by  the  strict 
est  bonds  of  unity  and  friendship.  How  shall  we  ever  forget 
the  many  agreeable  evenings  we  have  spent  in  their  company?  or 
by  what  new  revolutions,  do  we  hope  to  arrive  to  that  happy  period, 
when  contented  with  our  happiness,  we  shall  wish  no  more  the 
return  of  such  delightful  scenes?  The  high  opinion  we  ought  to 
maintain  of  the  abilities  of  these  worthy  Gentlemen,  as  well  as 
the  regard  they  express  for  Linonia  &  her  Sons,  tends  very  much 
to  increase  our  desire  for  their  longer  [conjtinuence.  Under 
whatsoever  character  we  consider  them,  we  have  the  greatest  reason, 
to  regret  their  departure.  As  our  patrons  we  have  shared  their 
utmost  care  &  vigilence  in  supporting  Linonia's  cause,  &  protect- 
[ing]  her  from  the  malice  of  her  insulting  foes.  As  our  bene 
factors  we  have  pertaken  of  their  liberality,  not  only  in  their 
rich  &  valuable  donations  to  our  library,  but,  what  is  still  more, 
their  amiable  company  &  conversation.  But  as  our  friends,  what 
inexpressible  happiness  have  we  experienced  in  their  disinter  [est]ed 
love  &  cordial  affection?  We  have  lived  together,  not  as  fellow- 
students,  and  members  of  the  same  college  but  as  brothers  & 


APPENDIX  185 

children  of  the  same  family;  not  as  superiors  &  inferiors,  but 
rather  as  equals  &  companions.  The  only  thing  which  hath 
[given]  them  the  pre-eminence,  [is]  their  superior  knowledge  in 
those  arts  &  sciences,  which  are  here  cultivated,  &  their  greater 
skill  &  prudence  in  the  management  of  such  important  affairs  as 
these  which  conce[rn]  the  good  order  &  regularity  of  this  society. 
Under  the  prudent  conduct  of  these  our  once  worthy  patrons,  but 
now  parting  friends,  things  have  been  so  wisely  regulated,  as  that 
while  we  have  been  entertained  with  all  the  pleasures  of  familiar 
conversation,  we  have  been  no  less  profited  by  our  improvements 
in  useful  knowledge  &  literature.  But  why  should  I  expatiate 
upon  past  pleasures  &  enjoyments?  We  are  all  sensible,  alas!  too 
sensible  of  [them]  so  greatly  are  our  minds  impressed,  with  the 
remembrance  of  them  that  the  thought  of  their  now  ending,  is 
almost  insupportable.  But,  why  have  our  friends  been  so  unkind, 
as  to  add  to  our  sorrow,  by  representing  to  our  minds,  in  the  most 
affecting  light,  our  former  intimate  friendship,  &  inflaming  in  our 
breasts  a  still  greater  desire  for  their  longer  continuance?  We 
wish  for  it,  but  in  vain.  This  day  has  brought  about  the  unwel 
come  period,  the  mela[n]choly  prospect  of  which  has  so  long 
sadden'd  our  Hearts.  We  must  now  take  leave,  a  final  leave,  of 
our  dearest  friends.  Fain  would  we  avoid  undertaking;  but  it 
cannot  be  we  are  obliged  to  perform  it.  Since  therefore  it  must 
be  so,  let  us  submit.  Let  us  if  possible  for  a  moment  put  on  cheer 
ful  &  benevolent  countenances,  while  we  shall  return  return  to 
our  parting  friends,  for  the  last  time,  our  sincerest  thanks  for  the 
numberless  kindnesses  they  have  shewn  us,  since  we  have  the 
honour  of  being  called  Linonia's  Sons. 

Kind  and  generous  Sirs,  It  is  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  we 
are  now  all  oblig'd  to  bid  a  last  adieu  to  you  our  dearest  friends. 
Fain  would  we  ask  you  longer  to  tarry,  but  it  is  otherwise  deter 
mined,  and  we  must  comply.  Accept  then  our  sincerest  thanks, 
as  some  poor  return  for  your  disinterested  zeal  in  Linonia's  cause, 
&  your  unwearied  pains  to  suppress  her  opposers.  I  understand 
that  at  the  time,  when  you  were  receiv'd  by  our  Ancestors  into 
this  society,  our  best  beloved  Linonia  was  brought  very  low,  by 
the  oppressive  hand  of  her  numerous  opposers.  But  since  the  time 
of  your  admission  she  hath  been  continually  encreasing  both  in 


186  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

dignity  &  power,  arising  from  step  to  step,  toward  her  antient 
Splendor.  And  hath  at  length  arrived  to  that  flourishing  condition 
in  which  we  now  behold  her.  To  you  is  owing,  in  a  great  measure, 
our  present  prosperity.  (What  adequate  returns  can  we  make 
for  these  signal  favours?)  But  in  addition  to  all  the  rest  you 
have  now  given  us  those  instructions,  by  the  observation  of  which, 
we  may  make  Linonia  still  to  flourish,  &  shine  forth  with  superior 
splendor.  Receive  kind  Sirs  as  a  very  poor  return  our  sincere 
thanks  for  your  numberless  kindnesses.  Be  assur'd  that  we  shall 
be  spirited  in  Linonia's  cause  &  with  steadiness  &  resolution  strive 
to  make  her  shine  with  unparalleled  lustre.  And  althoug[h] 
Plutonia  should  make  use  of  every  sordid  &  low-liv'd  scheme,  to 
raise  herself  &  rival  our  fame,  rely  upon  it,  that  we  will  exert 
ourselves  in  the  use  of  all  proper  means  to  humble  her  pride  & 
reduce  her  to  her  nothing.  And  you  may  firmly  believe,  we  will 
do  our  best  endeavours  to  render  ourselves  worthy  our  illustrious 
Ancestors.  Be  assured  Gentlemen,  that  your  memory  will  always 
be  very  dear  to  us:  that  although  hundreds  of  miles  should  inter 
fere,  you  will  always  be  attended  with  our  best  wishes.  May 
providence  protect  you  in  all  your  ways,  &  may  you  have  pros 
perity  in  all  your  undertakings.  May  you  live  long  &  happily,  & 
at  last  die  satisfied  with  the  pleasures  of  this  world,  and  go  hence 
to  that  world  where  joy  shall  never  cease  &  pleasures  never  end. 

Dear  Gentlemen  farewell ! 

[From  the  Linonia  MSS.  records,  Yale  University  Library,  among 
which  is  a  book  containing  a  number  of  similar  addresses  delivered  by 
students  on  other  occasions.  Hale  at  this  date,  the  spring  of  1772,  was 
closing  his  Junior  year,  and  the  above  is  his  reply  to  the  parting  address 
of  Billings,  who  represented  the  outgoing  "Sirs."] 


HALE  TO  His  CLASSMATE,  BENJAMIN  TALLMADGE  (IN  RHYME) 

Friend  Tallmadge, 
Although  a  first  attempt  prov'd  vain, 
I'm  still  resolv'd  my  end  t'  obtain. 
My  temper's  such  I  can  give  out, 
In  what  I  'tempt  for  one  bad  bout. 


APPENDIX  187 

Were  this  the  case,  you'd  never  see 

Lines,  formed  to  feet  and  rhyme  from  me. 

But  being  sadly  mortify'd 

At  thoughts  of  laying  it  aside; 

Reviv'd  a  little  by  your  letter, 

With  hopes  of  speeding  better, 

At  length  I  venture  forth  once  more, 

But  fearing  soon  to  run  ashore. 

My  thoughts  had  once  convey'd  you  home 
In  safety  to  your  wonted  dome; 
But  gladly  went  a  second  time, 
Attended  by  your  muse  and  rhyme. 
That  you  are  there,  the  single  proof, 
You  bring,  to  me,  is  quite  enough. 
But  here,  I  think  you're  wrong,  to  blame, 
Your  gen'rous  muse,  and  call  her  lame. 
For  when  arriv'd  no  mark  was  found, 
Of  weakness,  lameness,  sprain  or  wound. 
As  soon  as  stop'd,  away  he  trips 
(And  that  without  or  spurs  or  whips) 
With  me  in  charge,  (a  grievous  load!) 
Along  the  way  she  lately  trode. 
In  all,  she  gave  no  fear  or  pain, 
Unless,  at  times,  to  hold  the  rein. 
Now  judge,  unless  entirely  sound, 
If  she  could  bear  me  such  a  round. 
It's  certain  then  your  muse  is  heal'd, 
Or  else,  came  sound  from  Weathersfield. 

Whene'er  with  friends  I  correspond, 
I  seek  for  food  of  which  they're  fond. 
But  if  my  bests'  of  meaner  kind, 
I  strive  to  dress  it  to  their  mind, 
For  this  I  leave  my  wonted  course, 
With  you,  and  seek  for  aid  from  verse. 

[From  the  original  in  possession  of  Rev.  Anson  Phelps  Stokes, 
Yale  University.     Now  first  published.] 


i88  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

KALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAMP  SCENES,  1775  (IN  RHYME) 

You  make  a  small  request, 
(Perhaps  sincere  perhaps  in  jest, 
But  which  is  neither  here  or  there, 
For  what  you  do  is  not  my  care.) 
Yet  what  you  ask  I'll  think  sincere, 
Untill  the  contr'y  truth  appear. 

With  chearfulness,  be  sure,  I'll  grant 
As  far  as  able  what  you  want. 
If  letters,  any  of  you  choose 
I'll  send  as  many  as  you  please. 
So  far  at  least,  whene'er  at  leisure, 
I  write  them  with  the  utmost  pleasure 

Could  you  but  take  a  full  survey, 
On  this  &  that  &  t'other  way 
You'd  see  extended  far  and  wide 
Our  camps  both  here  &  Roxbury  side. 
The  hills  with  tents  their  whiteness  show 
Resembling  much  Mid  winter's  snow. 
(For  some  such  cause  perhaps  the  same, 
Our  hill  is  known  by  winter's  name). 
Some  the  top,  some  the  bottom  take, 
Those  for  health,  these  for  safety  sake. 
For  health  we  all  do  value  high, 
And  safety  too  when  danger's  nigh. — 

When  coming  here  from  Watertown, 
Soon  after  ent'ring  Cambridge  ground, 
You  spy  the  grand  &  pleasant  seat, 
Possess'd  by  Washin[g]ton  the  great. 
It  looks  so  neat,  so  good  the  plan. 
You'd  think  it  made  for  that  good  man. 

[Erased  line  reads:  "You'd  choose  it  for 
that  worthy  man."] 


APPENDIX  iSg 

In  better  times  it  was  enjoy'd 

By  Col'nel  Vassell,  who  prov'd  void 

Of  love  for  his  Country,  which  gave 

Him  all  that  Heart  could  wish  to  have. 

Of  evjtfry  joy  of  life  possess'd 

With  Riches  &  wi[t]h  honours  bless'd, 

He's  not  content,  but  fled  to  Gage 

And  with  his  country  war  did  wage. 

Not  many  rods  from  hence  is  clearly  seen 
The  house  that  Captain  Coit  lives  in. 
The  Widow  Vassell  lays  a  claim 
To  this,  and  gardens  round  the  same. 

In  passing  on  appear  some  domes 
Both  large  &  high,  with  numerous  rooms. 
In  former  times,  as  I  am  told, 
This  splendid  place  was  College  call'd1 
The  muses  here  did  once  reside, 
And  with  the  ancient  muses  vy'd, 
E'en  shaming  Greek  and  Roman  pride. 
The  Sons  of  Science  here  pursu'd 
Those  peaceful  arts  that  make  men  good. 
But  now,  so  changed  is  the  scene, 
You'd  scarce  believe  these  things  had  been. 
Instead  of  sons  of  Science  sons  of  Mars 
And  nothing's  heard  but  sound  of  Wars. 
I  [n]  stead  of  learning  what  makes  good, 
They  learn  the  art  of  spilling  blood. 
But  now  it  gives  me  joy  to  hear 
That  when  her  ruin  seem'd  so  near, 
From  dange[r]   having  swiftly  fled; 
At  Concord  she  erects  her  head. 
From  College  as  you  pass  along 
You  soon  will  meet  a  throng 

1  Harvard  College.     As  Hale  says  at  the  close,  it  moved  to  Concord 
during  the  army  operations. 


i go  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Of  Soldiers;  over  which  brave  band, 
Old  Gen'ral  Putnam  holds  command. 
This  (by  the  way)  is  on  the  right, 
And  scarce  from  College  out  of  sight. 

But  if  you  think  it  worth  your  while, 
To  take  the  North  for  near  a  mile, 

[Unfinished.] 

On  the  inner  margin  of  the  sheet  these  lines  are  added: 

Let  not  the  Ladies  wish  a  spark 

To  cheer  their  spirits  in  the  dark. 

The  school  which  once  unequal'd  shone 

Appears  deserted  &  undone 

Her  genuine  sons  all  being  gone. 

The  last  three  lines  could  apply  to  the  "College,"  and 
may  have  been  intended  for  insertion  in  their  proper 
connection  in  a  complete  copy  of  the  poem.  Hale  evi 
dently  wrote  this  piece  for  some  of  his  New  London 
pupils  or  friends. 

[From  the  original  in  possession  of  Mr.  George  D.  Smith,  New 
York.     Now  first  published.] 


HALE  TO  "ALICIA" — LOVE  POEM 

Alicia,  born  with  every  striking  charm, 

The  eye  to  ravish  or  the  heart  to  warm 

Fair  in  thy  form,  still  fairer  in  thy  mind, 

With  beauty  wisdom,  sense  with  sweetness  joined 

Great  without  pride,  and  lovely  without  art 

Your  looks  good  nature  words  good  sense  impart, 

Thus  formed  to  charm  Oh  deign  to  hear  my  song 

Whose  best  whose  sweetest  strains  to  you  belong 

Let  others  toil  amidst  the  lofty  air 

By  fancy  led  through  every  cloud1  above 

1  In  the  original  the  word  is  "clouds." 


APPENDIX  191 

Let  empty  follies  build  the  castles  there 

My  thoughts  are  settled  on  the  friend  I  love 

Oh  friend  sincere  of  soul  divinely  great 

Shedest  thou  for  me  a  wretch  the  sorrowed  tear 

What  thanks  can  I  in  this  unhappy  state 

Return  to  you  but  gratitude  sincere 

T'is  friendship  pure  that  now  demand  my  lays 

A  theme  sincere  that  aid[s]  my  feeble  song 

Raised  by  that  theme  I  do  not  fear  to  praise 

Since  your  the  subject  where  due  praise  belong 

Ah  dearest  girl  in  whom  the  gods  have  joined 

The  real  blessings  which  themselves  approve 

Can  mortals  frown  at  such  an  heavenly  mind 

When  Gods  propitious  shine  on  you  they  love 

Far  from  the  seat  of  pleasure  now  I  roam 

The  pleasing  landscape  now  no  more  I  see 

Yet  absence  nea'r  shall  take  my  thoughts  from  home 

Nor  time  efface  my  due  regards  for  thee. 

[From  the  original,  without  date,  in  possession  of  Mr.  George  E. 
Hoadley,  of  Hartford.  Now  first  published.  Mr.  Hoadley  also  owns  a 
diary  written  by  Mrs.  Alicia  (Adams)  Lawrence,  with  some  of  her 
china,  silver,  furniture  and  books ;  also,  a  tall  clock  which  belonged  to 
Nathan's  brother,  Judge  John  Hale,  and  afterwards  to  Mrs.  Lawrence.] 


HALE  TO  W.  SALTONSTALL — A  SCHOOL  BILL 
Sr, 

£         s         d 
My  Bill  for  Schooling  your  Son  the  last  Quarter  is  0  —  12  —  0 

Yr  H  :  ble  Svt. 

N  HALE 
W.  Saltonstall  Esqr 

[From  the  original  in  possession  of  Mr.  Arthur  Hale,  of  New  York. 
Hale  drew  up  three  of  these  bills  on  a  small  piece  of  paper,  but  slightly 
differing  from  each  other.  He  seems  to  have  been  trying  to  get  the  best 
wording  before  sending  a  bill.  Winthrop  Saltonstall  was  one  of  the 
proprietors  of  the  New  London  School.  The  above  is  the  second  form — 
the  date  probably  the  summer  of  1774.] 


NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

HALE'S  COMMISSION  AS  A  CONTINENTAL  CAPTAIN 
IN  CONGRESS. 


The  DELEGATES  of  the  United  Colonies  of  New-Hampshire, 
Massachusetts-Bay,  Rhode-Island,  Connecticut,  New-  York,  New- 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  Counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex 
on  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North-Carolina,  and  South- 
Carolina,  to  Nathan  Hale  Esq 

We  reposing  especial  trust  and  confidence  in  your  patriotism, 
valour,  conduct  and  fidelity,  DO  by  these  presents  constitute  and 
appoint  you  to  be  Captain  in  the  Nineteenth  Regiment  of  foot 
Commanded  by  Colonel  Charles  Webb  in  the  army  of  the  United 
Colonies,  raised  for  the  defence  of  American  Liberty,  and  for 
repelling  every  hostile  invasion  thereof.  You  are  therefore  care 
fully  and  diligently  to  discharge  the  duty  of  Captain  by  doing  and 
performing  all  manner  of  things  thereunto  belonging.  And  we 
do  strictly  charge  and  require  all  officers  and  soldiers  under  your 
command,  to  be  obedient  to  your  orders,  as  Captain  And  you 
are  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders  and  directions  from  time 
to  time  as  you  shall  receive  from  this  or  a  future  Congress  of  the 
United  Colonies  or  Committee  of  Congress,  for  that  purpose  ap 
pointed,  or  Commander  in  Chief  for  the  time  being  of  the  army 
of  the  United  Colonies,  or  any  other  your  superior  officer,  accord 
ing  to  the  rules  and  discipline  of  war,  in  pursuance  of  the  trust 
reposed  in  you.  This  commission  to  continue  in  force  until  re 
voked  by  this  or  a  future  Congress. 

Attest  Chas  Thomson  Sec*.        By  Order  of  the  Congress, 
January  the  first  1776  —  John  Hancock  President^ 

[The  original  now  in  possession  of  Mr.  William  A.  Read,  of  New 

York.] 

1  The  names  and  writing  printed  in  italics  are  written  in  the  original. 


APPENDIX  193 

KALE'S  LINONIA  MINUTES 

Hale  became  a  member  of  this  once  famous  Society  at  Yale 
College,  November  7,  1770,  early  in  his  Sophomore  year.  He 
appears  as  secretary  or  "scribe"  in  January,  1771,  serving  as  such 
the  greater  part  of  the  year.  One  of  his  first  entries  in  the  minute- 
book,  January  2nd,  runs:  "This  Honorable  Society  met  at  Mead's 
Room,  the  meeting  was  opened  with  a  Narration,  spoken  by  Alden, 
then  the  Members  proceeded  to  elect  Gould  a  Chancellor  [Presi 
dent]  and  after  a  few  Questions  they  appointed  Williams  lst  to 
deliver  an  Oration  at  the  next  Anniversary,  they  likewise  appointed 
Sir  Dwight,  Sir  Davenport,  Sir  Williams,  Cutler,  Gould, 
Barker,  2d  Hall,  Alden,  Gulley,  Hays,  Lyman,  Merwin  &  Wil 
liams,  2d  whom  they  design'd  should  take  their  Parts,  in  acting  a 
Comedy  call'd  the  Conscious  Lovers,  and  they  appointed  the  fol 
lowing  to  act  a  Farce  call'd  the  Toy  Shop,  (viz)  Cutler,  Barker,  2d 
Billings,  Cob,  Hall,  Welch,  Williams,  lst  Hale,  lst  Hale, 2d 
Leonard,  Mead  &  Woodbridge, 

Test  Nathan  Hale  Scribe" 

January  9th  "This  venerable  Club  met  at  Alden's  Room.  The 
Meeting  was  open'd  with  a  Narration  spoken  by  Welch;  and 
after  some  questions  was  clos'd  with  a  Dialogue  spoken  by  Lyman 
&  Robertson." 

The  next  scribe,  E.  Williams,  makes  the  entry,  December  18, 
1771:  "This  Illustrious  Society  Met  at  Hale's  Room."  Few 
Members  Present,  the  meeting  closing  with  a  speech  delivered 
by  "Mr  Nathan  Hale."— November  26,  1772:  "Narration  deliv 
ered  by  Hale  very  instructive." — December  30;  "Very  agreeable 
and  entertaining  extemporary  Dispute  delivered  by  Hale  2nd"  and 
three  others.  Hale  was  elected  Chancellor  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
Senior  year.  For  further  reference  to  his  connection  with  the 
Society,  see  pages  31,  143-146. 

[Original   in  Yale   University  Library.] 


ip4  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

LETTERS  FROM  HALE'S  FATHER  AND  BROTHERS 
DEACON  RICHARD  HALE  TO  His  SONS  ENOCH  AND  NATHAN 

IN   COLLEGE1 

Dear  children, 

I  Recd  your  Letter  of  the  7th  instant  and  am  glad  to  hear  that 
you  are  well  suited  with  Living  in  College  and  would  let  you 
know  that  wee  are  all  well  threw  the  Divine  goodness,  as  I  hope 
these  lines  will  find  you.  I  hope  you  will  carefully  mind  your 
studies  that  your  time  be  not  Lost  and  that  you  will  mind  all  the 
orders  of  College  with  care  and  be  sure  above  all  forget  not  to 
Learne  Christ  while  you  are  busy  in  other  studies.  I  intend  to 
send  you  some  money  the  first  opportunity  perhaps  by  Mr.  Sher 
man  when  he  Returns  home  from  of  the  surcit  [circuit  court]  he 
is  now  on.  If  you  can  hire  Horses  at  New  Haven  to  come  home 
without  too  much  trouble  and  cost  I  don't  know  but  it  is  best  and 
should  be  glad  to  know  how  you  can  hire  their  and  send  me  word. 
If  I  Don't  here  from  you  I  shall  depend  upon  sending  Horses 
to  you  by  the  6th  of  May, — if  I  should  have  know  oppertunity 
to  send  you  any  money  till  May  and  should  then  come  to  New 
Haven  and  clear  all  of  would  it  not  do?  If  not  you  will  let  me 
know  it.  Your  friends  are  all  well  at  Coventry — your  mother 
sends  her  Regards  to  you — from  your  kind  and  Loving 

Father  RICHD  HALE. 

Coventry  Decr  26th 
A.D.  1769 

I  have  nothing  spettial  to  write  but  would  by  all  means  desire 
you  to  mind  your  Studies  and  carefully  attend  to  the  orders  of 
Coledge.  Attend  not  only  Prayrs  in  the  chapel  but  Secret  Prayr 
carefully.  Shun  all  vice  especially  card  Playing.  Read  your  Bibles 
a  chapter  night  and  morning.  I  cannot  now  send  you  much  money 

1  The  first  three  letters  from  Hale's  father  have  been  slightly  modern 
ized  by  division  into  sentences,  etc.  The  fourth  letter  to  his  brother 
follows  the  original  MSS. 


AUTOGRAPHS  OF  NATHAN  HALE  AND  HIS  FATHER,  RICHARD  HALE 


APPENDIX  195 

but  hope  when  Sr  Strong  comes  to  Coventry  to  be  able  to  send 
by  him  what  you  want.   .    .    . 

from  your  Loving  Fath — 

RICHD  HALE 
Coventry,  Decr  17th  1770 

Loving  Children — by  a  line  would  let  you  know  that  I  with 
my  family  threw  the  Divine  Goodness  are  well  as  I  hope  these 
Lines  will  find  you.  I  have  heard  that  you  are  better  of  the 
measles.  The  Cloath  for  your  Coat  is  not  Done.  But  will  be 
Done  next  week  I  hope  at  firthest.  I  know  of  no  opporttunity 
we  shall  have  to  send  it  to  Newhaven  and  have  Laid  in  with  Mr. 
Strong  for  his  Horse  which  his  son  will  Ride  down  to  New 
Haven  for  one  of  you  to  Ride  home  if  you  can  get  Leave  and 
have  your  close  made  at  home.  I  sopose  that  one  mesure  will 
do  for  both  of  you.  I  am  told  that  it  is  not  good  to  study  hard 
after  the  measles — hope  you  will  youse  Prudance  in  that  afare. 
If  you  do  not  one  of  you  come  home  I  don't  see  but  that  you 
must  do  with  out  any  New  Close  till  after  Commensment.  I 
send  you  Eight  Pound  in  cash  by  Mr.  Strong — hope  it  will  do  for 
the  present — 

Your  Loving  Father 

RICHD  HALE 

Coventry  August  13th  1771. 

[From  originals  in  possession  of  estate  of  the  late  Rev.  Edward 
Everett  Hale.] 


RICHARD  HALE  TO  His  BROTHER  SAMUEL,  PORTSMOUTH, 
NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

Dear  Brother 

I  Recd  your  favor  of  the  17th  of  February  Last  and  rejoce  to 
hear  that  you  and  your  Famley  ware  well  your  obversation  as  to 
the  Difrulty  of  the  times  is  very  just  so  gloomey  a  day  wee  niver 


i96  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

saw  before  but  I  trust  our  Cause  is  Just  and  for  our  Consolation 
in  the  times  of  greatest  destress  we  have  this  to  sopert  us  that 
their  is  a  God  that  Jugeth  in  the  earth  if  wee  can  but  take  the 
comfort  of  it  as  to  our  being  far  advanced  in  life  if  it  do  but 
serve  to  wean  us  from  this  presint  troublesom  world  and  stur  us 
up  to  preapre  for  a  world  of  peace  and  Rest  it  is  well  the  calls  in 
Providance  are  loud  to  prepare  to  meet  our  God  and  O  that  he 
would  prepare  us  you  desired  me  to  inform  you  about  my  son 
Nathan  you  have  doutless  seen  the  Newberry  Port  paper  that 
gives  the  acount  of  the  conduct  of  our  kinsman  Sam11  Hale  toard 
him  in  York  as  to  our  kinsman  being  here  in  his  way  to  York  it 
is  a  mistake  but  as  to  his  conduct  tord  my  son  at  York  Mr. 
Cleveland  of  Capepan  [Cape  Ann]  first  reported  it  near  us  I 
sopose  when  on  his  way  from  the  Armey  where  he  had  been 
Chapling  home  as  was  Probley  true  betraie'd  he  doubtless  was  by 
somebody  he  was  executed  about  the  22nd  of  Sepetember  last  by  the 
aconts  we  have  had.  a  child  I  sot  much  by  but  he  is  gone  I  think 
the  second  [?]x  trial  I  ever  met  with  my  3rd  son  Joseph  is  in 
the  armey  over  in  the  Jarsyes  and  was  well  the  last  we  heard 
from  him  my  other  son  that  was  in  the  service  belonged  to  the 
melishey  and  is  now  at  home  my  son  Enoch  is  gone  to  take  the 
small  pox  by  enoculation  Brother  Robinson  and  famley  are  wrell 
we  are  all  threw  the  Divine  goodness  well  my  wife  joins  in  love 
to  you  and  Mrs.  Hale  and  your  children 

Your  loving  Brother 

RICHARD  HALE 
Coventry  March  28th  1777 

[From  the  MSS.  letter  in  possession  of  Mr.  George  M.  Thornton, 
Pawtucket,  Rhode  Island.  Now  first  published  in  its  original  form. 

This  valuable  letter,  supposed  to  be  lost,  was  recovered  a  few  years 
since  by  Hon.  Frank  L.  Howe,  of  Barrington,  New  Hampshire,  and 
printed  in  modernized  form  in  the  Hartford  Courant,  August  26,  1911. 
It  is  the  letter  referred  to  by  Mr.  William  Hale,  Nathan's  cousin,  in  some 
correspondence  printed  in  the  Appendix  of  Stuart's  book.] 

1  Deacon  Hale  may  have  wished  to  say  that  it  was  the  second  greatest 
or  sorest  trial  he  ever  met  with,  the  previous  trial  being  the  loss  of  his 
first  wife  [?]. 


APPENDIX  197 

ENOCH  HALE  TO  NATHAN  AT  NEW  LONDON 

LYME  May  10th,  A.D.  1774 
Dear  Brother, 

A  few  words  by  the  hand  of  friend  Noyes.  You  see  I  am  at 
Lyme:  but  I  could  not  come  by  New  London.  I  left  home  last 
Thursday.  Mother  and  Sally  in  a  poor  way,  I  fear  not  so  well 
as  when  you  was  there.  I  came  by  the  way  of  Lebanon,  left  Billey 
with  Mr.  Huntington  to  learn  the  Blacksmiths  trade.  I  b[r]  ought 
no  books  for  you,  I  had  no  conveniency  but  left  word  to  have 
them  sent  to  you,  if  opportunity  presented,  Pope's  Iliad  &  the  5th 
Vol.  of  the  late  war,  which  I  found  among  the  books  and  placed 
in  my  chest. 

I  stand  in  need  of  a  pair  of  breaches,  I  know  of  no  better  place 
to  purchase  cloath  than  at  New  London.  If  you  will  oblige  me 
so  much  as  to  go  with  Noyes  &  get  as  good  &  fashionable  as  you 
can  but  not  too  costly:  for  it  is  for  every  day,  therefore  cheeper 
the  better,  &  likewise  trimmings.  Squire  Noyes  would  be  glad  to 
see  the  History  of  the  late  war,  so  if  you  will  send  some  of  the 
Volumes  if  you  don't  want  them,  you  will  oblige  him  &  me. 

ENOCH  HALE 

[From  original  in  possession  of  estate  of  the  late  Rev.  Edward 
Everett  Hale.] 


JOHN  HALE  TO  His  BROTHER  NATHAN 

COVENTRY  20th  March  1775 

Dear  Brother  I  send  you  these  lines  to  acquaint  you  that  I  am 
in  good  health  at  Present  tho  some  of  our  folks  are  not  at  last 
Richard  is  very  sick  with  the  Canker  but  I  hope  not  the  worst  sort 
he  was  taken  last  Monday  his  throat  is  very  much  sweald  so  that 
he  cant  swallow  but  a  very  little  but  I  hope  he  will  get  better  sone 
but  I  am  very  much  concern  about  him  the  rest  of  us  are  in  as 
good  health  as  we  were  when  you  was  at  home  Enoch  Larrebe 
has  lost  three  cheldren  lately  with  the  Throat  Destemper  and  two 
or  three  others  that  have  been  very  sick  but  are  geting  better 


1 98  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

I  want  you  should  get  Mr  Green  to  put  an  advertisment  in  his 
paper  for  me  and  I  will  satisfy  you  for  it — I  would  have  the 
Advertisment  be  something  after  this  sort  without  you  can  alter 
it  for  the  better 

All  Persons  having  Accounts  against  the  Estate  of  Mr  Elijah 
Rip  [ley]  late  of  Coventry  Deceased  are  desired  to  bring  in  the 
same  to  the  subscriber  who  will  attend  said  Business  at  the  Dwell 
ing  house  of  Ephm  Root  Esq  Inkeeper  in  said  Coventry  on  the 
first  Tuesday  of  April  next  and  so  on  every  Tuesday  till  the  first 
of  June  next  and  all  Indebted  to  said  Estate  are  desired  to  make 
speedy  payment  to 

John  Hale  Administrator 

I  shall  write  no  more  at  Present  so  remain  your  Loving 

Brother      JOHN  HALE. 
To 

Mr  Nathan  Hale 
New  London 

[Original  in  Connecticut  Historical  Society.! 


LETTERS  FROM  HALE'S  CLASSMATES 
ROGER  ALDEN  TO  HALEX 

NEWHAVEN  Evening  after  Fast 
Friend  Hale 

I  feel  very  much  refreshed,  it  was  not  many  Hours  since,  that 
I  seemed  to  be  cursed,  with  a  dull,  sour  Melancholy  Temper, 
which  seemed  to  communicate  the  Contagion  to  every  thing  that 
I  either  wrote  or  thought  of,  but  however  my  writings  may 
differ,  my  mind  feels  very  much  changed — I  hope  you  have  spent 

1  Alden  was  a  native  of  Lebanon,  Connecticut.  Leaving  his  school 
in  1776  he  became  Adjutant  and  Aid-de-Carap  to  General  Huntington 
and  served  till  1781.  In  1785  he  became  Deputy  Secretary  to  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  and  in  his  later  days  held  a  post  position  at  West  Point, 
where  he  died  in  1836.  "Yale  in  the  Revolution,"  p.  282;  Dexter's  Yale 
Biographies,  Vol.  III. 


APPENDIX  199 

this  Day  in  such  a  Manner  as  that  you  will  not  be  troubled  with 
any  Convictions  of  Conscience — you  must  excuse  me  for  the 
present,  as  I  am  interrupted — 


Thursday  Morning  after  Fast 

I  suppose  that  you  rose  very  early  this  morning  have  been  per 
using  some  agreeable  as  well  as  profitable  Book,  &  not  many 
minutes  since,  felt  for  your  watch  Chain,  with  your  eyes  intent 
on  your  Book,  until  you  had  brought  your  memento  about  the 
length  of  your  Book  from  its  Habitation  &  found  it  to  be  just 
59  minutes  after  8  OClock,  if  that  was  not  the  most  disagreeable 
Time  in  all  the  Day,  tell  me  in  your  next,  it  seems  to  me  that 
you  pictured  out  at  once  all  the  Troubles  that  you  was  to 
encounter — This  I  am  certain  that  your  reading  after  that  did  not 
profit  much — especially  if  you  was  in  the  middle  of  some  diverting 
scene  in  either  History,  Plays,  Novels,  Romances  or  whatever  you 
please,  it  is  not  the  Trouble  of  keeping  School  that  brings  this 
uneasiness,  but  being  confined  to  particular  Hours,  I  have  fre 
quently  experienced  all  these  Feelings,  &  have  as  much  dreaded  the 
Hours  of  Nine  &  Two,  as  ever  I  did  the  morning  prayer  Bell,  or 
Saturday  noon  Recitation,  but  Friend  Nathan  what  is  it  that 
makes  things  that  are  real  good  &  agreeable  in  themselves,  so 
unpleasing  to  us,  every  delightsome  Diversion  every  profitable 
Study  we  see  oft  disafrects  &  disgusts  us,  not  you  &  myself,  but 
every  rational  Creature  on  Earth,  I  mean  those  that  are  called 
rational  to  distinguish  them  from  lower  Orders  of  created  Beings 
but  methinks  we  have  as  small  Pretences  to  it,  as  the  meanest 
animal  living,  for  such  Principles  &  Practice,  which  we  experience 
every  Day  we  live,  contradict  common  sense  &  basely  degrade 
what  is  so  frequently  stiled  the  greatest  Excellence  of  human 
Nature,  human  Reason —  But  is  a  common  Observation  &  as 
true  as  it  is  old,  that  mankind  may  be  led,  but  will  never  be 
drove — this  we  may  observe  in  every  stage  of  Life,  from  the 
Infant  to  fourscore  years  &  Ten — this  which  seems  to  be  innate 
&  born  with  us,  appears  to  me  the  greatest  proof  of  universal 
Depravity  &  Original  Sin,  that  I  can  conceive  of,  but  is  so  always 
was  &  always  will  be — I  would  not  have  you  think  that  I  send 


200  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

this  as  a  sample  of  my  good  writing,  or  good  sense,  not  that  [it] 
is  deficient  in  either  of  these  Points,  but  rather  a  Proof  of  my 
Friendship  when  you  have  read  all  this  Srole,  I  hope  you  will 
think  necessary  to  give  me  some  kind  of  an  Answer,  when  you 
have  Leisure — from  your  best  Friend — 

ROGER  ALDEN — 
To 
Mr  Nathan  Hale 

New  London 
pr  Mr  Hull 

[In  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Library.] 


SAME  TO  SAME 

N  HAVEN  Novbr  28th  1775 
Dear  Sr 

If  you  had  only  once  thought,  how  much  Pleasure  it  would  have 
given  me,  to  receive  a  Letter  from  you,  in  your  present  Character  & 
Situation,  I  am  sure  you  could  not  have  neglected  writing  to  me 
by  Capt  Leavenworth — 

If  the  Life  &  Business  of  a  Soldier  has  worn  off  all  that  Friend 
ship  &  Tenderness  for  me,  which  you  have  so  often  expressed  by 
words  &  Actions — I  shall  try  to  reconcile  myself  to  the  misfortune, 
&  promise  myself  no  more  Happiness  &  Satisfaction,  from  him 
whom  I  once  esteemed  among  the  number  of  my  best  Friends. — 

It  is  very  hard  for  me  to  entertain  such  an  Opinion,  of  a  Person 
of  your  Frankness  &  Sincerity,  nor  will  I  allow  myself  to  indulge 
such  a  Thought,  or  be  guilty  of  such  an  Odious  Jealousy. 

The  Cares,  Perplexities,  &  Fatigues  of  your  Office,  are  Matters 
sufficient  to  vindicate  your  conduct,  &  the  Duty,  which  you  owe 
to  your  own  Honour  &  the  Interest  of  your  Country,  is  sufficient 
to  employ  your  whole  Time,  &  to  justify  you  in  the  Dispensing 
with  the  Obligations  of  your  old  Friends  &  Acquaintance. — Reason, 
perhaps  may  convince  me  of  this  Truth,  but  w[e]re  I  to  be  Judge 
in  the  affair,  I  am  very  sure  that  I  should  be  very  partial  in  my 
own  Favour — 

I  expect,  that  you  will  impute  this  long  Chasm  in  our  Corre- 


APPENDIX  201 

spondence  to  me,  should  you  ever  take  it  in  your  Head  to  write — 
but  I  pray  that  you  will  give  equal  Partiality  to  my  Faults,  & 
ascribe  it  to  some  strange,  &  hidden  Cause  in  the  Natural  or 
Political  System,  &  conclude  that  after  the  Revolution  of  months 
&  years,  Things  have  returned  to  their  former  Order  &  Regu 
larity — but  then  I  would  only  remind  you,  that  you  must  be  very 
careful  to  use  your  utmost  efforts  to  preserve  them  in  [?]  situa 
tion,  in  respect  to  their  motions  &  Conjunctions. — 

I  almost  envy  you  your  Circumstances,  I  want  to  be  in  the 
Army  very  much,  I  feel  myself  fit  to  relish  the  Noise  of  Guns, 
Drums,  Trumpets,  Blunderbuss,  &  Thunder;  &  was  I  qualified 
for  a  Birth,  &  of  influence  sufficient  to  procure  one  I  would  accept 
it  with  all  my  Heart ;  I  would  accept  of  a  Lieutenancy  but  should 
prefer  an  Adjutancy  but  other  more  fortunate  Young  Persons  are 
provided  for,  &  poor  I,  must  make  myself  contented  where  I  am — 
think  of  my  Condition,  &  then  Imagine  how  high  I  estimate 
Yours — Give  my  best  Love  &  Compliments  to  Keyes  &  Wood- 
bridge,  tell  them  I  shall  be  very  careful  to  answer  all  their  Letters 
as  well  as  [yo]ur  own — After  you  have  thought  over  all  this, 
tell  yourself  that  no  one  loves  you  more  than — Roger  Alden. 

Cap1  Nathan  Hale — 
in  the  Army- 
Cambridge — 
pr  Cap*  Leavenwrorth 

[In  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Library.] 


ELIHU  MARVIN  TO  HALE1 

NORWICH,  April  8th  1774 
Dear  Sr. 

I  have  at  present  only  just  time  to  acknowledge  the  Receipt  of 
yours  as  I  did  not  know  that  Waterman  by  whoom  I  send 

1  Marvin  was  a  native  of  Lyme,  Connecticut.  Like  Alden,  he  dropped 
his  teaching  and  joined  the  army  in  1777.  After  the  war  he  settled  down 
as  a  physician  at  Norwich.  His  devotion  to  his  profession  led  to  his 
death  from  yellow  fever  in  1798.  "Yale  in  the  Revolution,"  p.  292. 
Dexter's  Yale  Biographies,  Vol.  III. 


202  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

intended  for  N.  L.  till  about  4  minutes  agone,  he  is  now  rigging — 
Why  ha[v]  nt  you  had  one  wrote  before  you  say?  I'll  tell  you 
since  I  received  I  have  ben  extreem  busy  preparing  for  Quarter- 
Day  which  was  yesterday  I  have  not  time  to  give  particulars  we 
had  various  kinds  of  exercises  among  the  rest  speaking — The  Dia 
logue  between  Humphrey  £  Pounce  was  Delivered  to  the  great 
satisfaction  of  spectators —  After  exercises  I  had  the  pleasure  to 
drink  tea  with  an  agreeable  circle  of  young  Ladies —  Then  went  to 
Wedding  at  a  near  Neighbours  spent  the  evening  in  brisk  exer 
cise — sometimes  eating,  sometimes  Drinking — sometimes  Danc 
ing — &  at  almost  all  time  sweating  as  'twas  very  warm — so  that 
this  morning  I  feel  not  a  great  differen  from  what  is  customary 
after  Quarter — so  you  will  excuse  me  the  trouble  of  correcting 
and  pointing — you  mentioned  to  me  a  grammar  which  you  have 
by  you — if  I  mistake  not  the  British  instructor  but  whether  I  have 
got  the  Name  right  or  not  if  you  can  spare  it  a  few  days  as  well 
as  not,  &  will  send  it  up  by  Capt.  Waterman  today — I  shall  be 
much  obliged  to  you — I  believe  I  need  not  tell  you  I  will  be  care 
ful  of  it — I  would  not  have  you  put  yourself  out  of  the  way  about 
it.  If  you  can  as  well  spare  it  a  few  days  as  not  with  the  Book 
send  me  a  line  how  long  you  can  &  I'll  endeavour  to  send  it  by 
the  time — 

Im 

Your  Servt 

EL.  MARVIN 
To 

Mr  Nathan  Hale 
N.  London 

[Original  in  possession  of  Rev.  Anson  Phelps  Stokes,  Yale  University.] 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NORWICH   15th  Decr.  1775 

Three  month  at  Cambridge  and  not  one  line.  Well  I  can't  help 
it,  if  a  Capts  Commission  has  all  this  effect,  what  will  happen  when 
it  is  turned  into  a  Colonel's — 


APPENDIX  203 

Polly  hears  of  one  and  another  at  New  London  who  have 
letters  from  Mr  Hale  but  none  comes  to  me  Polly  says 

Mrs.  Poole  was  at  Norwich  sometime  since  and  desired  me  to 
enclose  a  letter  for  her  which  I  engaged  to  do,  but  I  was  unfor 
tunately  taken  sick  the  night  before  the  man  sat  out,  and  through 
that  indolence  which  you  know  is  so  natural  to  me  I  had  neglected 
to  write  sooner  so  was  disappointed  of  fulfilling  my  engagement 

My  disorder  proved  to  be  the  Throat  distemper  with  which  I 
was  severely  exercised  for  about  a  week  but  Blessed  be  God  I  have 
now  recovered  my  health  pretty  well — 

The  fortifications  are  going  on  briskly  at  New  London  and 
Groton — I  hear  at  Stonington  they  are  preparing  to  make  the 
mos  vigorous  defence. 

James  Hilhouse  writes  me  they  are  preparing  to  give  them  a 
suitable  reception  at  New  Haven.  The  assembly  is  now  sitting 
nothing  of  their  doings  have  as  yet  transpired  but  it  is  said  the 
Governor  call'd  them  together  to  see  what  shall  be  done  with 
some  Tories  who  are  said  to  be  troublesome  in  the  Western  part 
of  the  Colony  you  know  they  are  plenty  there. 

We  hear  that  a  number  of  the  settlers  on  the  Susquehannah 
purchase  are  taken  prisoners  by  the  Pennymites — That  assembly 
have  taken  up  the  matter  and  seem  determined  to  proceed  to 
blood-sh[ed],  A  sad  Omen  to  the  happy  union  that  has  as  yet 
subsisted  between  the  Colonies,  Could  our  internal  enemies  wish 
for  a  more  favourable  event  on  their  side. — 

I  make  no  doubt  of  its  being  a  plan  of  the  Tory  party  in  the 
Pennsylvania  assembly.  What  will  be  the  event  I  know  not  but 
hope  the  allwise  disposer  of  affairs  will  not  suffer  it  to  proceed  to 
a  rupture  between  the  Two  Colonies — 

I  am  now  Trespasing  on  my  school  hours  so  must  conclude 
your's  ELIHU  MARVIN 

To  Nathan  Hale 

P.  S.  Miss  Polly's  complits  to  Mr.  Hale — A  letter  would  not 
be  disagreeable — 

[In  Connecticut  Historical   Society  Library.] 


204  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

SAME  TO  SAME 

NORWICH  26  Feb.  1776 

Sr  Received  yours  by  Mr  Richards.  I  did  not  send  by  the  post 
however  I  wrote  and  expected  it  would  have  gone  sometime  since. 
The  reason  I  did  not  send  by  the  post  was  I  understood  he  rode 
by  subscription  and  that  nonsubscribers  paid  Postage,  which  I 
supposed  you  would  think  dear.  But  I  find  he  brings  letters  for 
me  and  demands  nothing  however  the  matter  is  I  intend  to  know 
soon  and  be  able  to  send  in  a  Constitutional  way  .  .  .  One  piece 
of  news ;  I  have  set  out  to  manufacture  salpetre,  hope  the  Army  in 
future  will  be  in  no  want  of  powder  for  I  have  extracted  at  least 
half  a  pound. 

It  is  said  in  Letterwriting  it  is  best  to  write  what  comes  upper 
most —  But  what  think  you  had  I  best  tell  you  how  mad  I  have 
been  to  day  or  not?  .  .  I  rather  doubt  it;  and  yet  since  I 
have  raised  your  curiosity  I  believe  I  must  in  some  measure 
gratify  it.  I  think  as  we  were  walking  down  street  I  told  you 
something  of  our  affairs  in  the  Light  Infantry  Company  .  .  We 
have  this  day  been  pretending  to  exercise  and  manoeuvre,  and  as 
is  usual  mustered  one  Commission  Officer  and  for  matter  of  what 
he  knew  about  discipline  we  might  as  well  have  been  without 
him  .  .  .  To  put  one's  self  to  some  considerable  cost  to  fix  to 
have  raised  expectations  of  making  some  appearance,  to  attract  the 
attention  of  men  of  skill  and  judgment,  as  well  as  to  equip  our 
selves  to  serve  our  Country,  and  then  to  be  haw'd  about  by  a  set 
of  Ignoramus's  and  made  the  sport  and  ridicule  of  spectators  you 
may  well  think  will  stir  old  Adam  especially  in  a  person  whose 
vanity  tells  him  if  the  Tables  were  turned  matters  would  not 
work  just  so.  .  .  — 

What  scheme  shall  now  poor  Corp1  lay 
Since  Polly's  gone,  an  still  doth  stay; 
If  there  I  knock  they  bid  me  walk  in 
But  Polly's  not  in  hall  or  kitchen. 
Then  out  he  goes  and  does  not  tarry 
Whilst  Cretia  cries  "pray  what's  your  hurry; 
By  that  time  this  is  fairly  done 


APPENDIX  205 

Lo !  Tom.  replies  the  Corpus  gone, 

He's  gone  'tis  true  replete  with  cheer 

But  hardly  knows  which  way  to  stear. 

When  musing  thus  within  himself 

"Near  by  lives  Nathan's  other  self, 

"Poor  girl  she's  left  almost  alone, 

"Since  neighbour  Hale's  been  gone  from  home 

"By  Nature's  laws  we  are  directed 

"To  visit  such  as  are  afflicted." 

Then  onward  strait  directs  his  course 

To  seek  and  find  the  weeping  house, 

When  there:  the  Lady  drown'd  in  tears 

With  sad  complaints  doth  fill  his  ears. 

"Behold  (she  cries)  the  Cap*  cruel 

"Hath  left  me  neither  food  nor  fuel; 

"Oh  more  than  frozen,  guilty  heart, 

"That  could  with  so  much  ease  depart 

"And  leave  me  here,  as  yet  untried 

"A  poor,  forsaken  helpless  bride." 

Her  heart  to  ease,  her  mind  to  calm, 

He  then  pours  in  the  friendly  balm 

Of  honor  gaind,  of  service  done 

A  treasure  which  he'll  sure  bring  home 

The  side  is  full  the  rhyme  is  bad 

So  I'll  leave  off  and  go  to  bed 

Of  this  if  you  are  quite  observant 

You'll  find  I'm  still  your  humb1  Serv* 

E.  MARVIN 

P.  S.     forwarded  directly  to  N.  London  by  Mr  Richards. 
[Original  in  possession  of  Rev.  Anson  Phelps  Stokes,  Yale  University.] 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NORWICH  17th  March  1776 

Reciev'd  yours  of  the  10th  Inst:  obliged  for  the  news 1  am 

sorry  since  to  hear  that  the  attempt  to  secure  the  Point  has  failed, 


206  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

and  especially  that  ft  was  through   the  misconduct  of  our  own 

people If  I  have  been  rightly  informed  it  is  a  direct  instance 

to  shew  the  necessity  of  discipline which   (between  you  and 

1)1  fear  is  greatly  wanting  among  our  Troops that  it  should 

as  yet  be  wanting  is  not  strange but  if  we  who  are  indulging 

ourselves  in  ease  here  at  home,  may  be  allowed  to  judge  from 
hearsay,  I  think  we  have  but  too  much  reason  to  fear,  that  the 
true  notion  of  discipline  is  but  very  little  relish'd  or  understood 
even  by  officers  -  -  if  this  is  the  case  surely  so  long  as  it  continues 
so  obedience  and  subordination  can  never  be  rationally  expected 
from  the  soldiers 

I  was  going  on  further  with  my  sentiments  in  regard  to  disci 
pline,  but  as  my  time  is  short  and  the  subject  copious  I  will  defer 
it  for  the  present. 

We  hear  you  are  like  to  be  sent  this  way 

Transports  are  preparing  in  great  haste  at  the  Landing  -  -  I[f] 
you  are  hope  to  have  a  social  chat  or  so 

It  is  too  dark  to  write 

E.  MARVIN 

P.  S..     wanting. 

To 
Cap'  Nathan  Hale 

Roxbury 

[In  Connecticut  Historical   Society  Library.] 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NORWICH,   11th  June  1776 
Kind  Sr, 

Am  obliged  for  your  particular  history  of  the  adventure  aboard 
the  prize;  wish  you  would  acquaint  me  with  every  incident  of 
good  or  ill  fortune  which  befals  you  in  your  course  of  Life.  The 
whole  journal  I  hope  some  time  or  other  to  peruse — you  are 
sensible  that  I  am  not  in  a  way  to  meet  with  adventures  new  or 
interesting.  Teaching,  scolding  and  Floging  is  the  continual 


APPENDIX  207 

round.  I  am  surprised  when  I  reflect  on  my  situation;  once  I 
could  enter  my  school  and  spend  my  hours  with  pleasure,  but 
them  scenes  are  now  past — in  short  I  have  come  to  be  one  of  your 
fretting  teasing  pedagogues  and  think  hard  of  Quiting.  For 
these  some  Months  I  have  been  like  a  person  half  distracted.  I 
know  not  what  to  do  with  myself.  I  think  of  this,  that  and  the 
other  calling,  and  know  not  which  to  prefer,  then  my  bleeding 
Country  awakes  my  attention  and  seems  to  demand  me  in  the 
field,  then  I  look  at  my  scarified  half  famish'd  supporter  and  am 
discouraged,  Figure  to  yourself  an  entire  stranger  set  down  in 
the  Central  point  of  an  hundred  paths  in  which  he  can  scarce 
discern  a  track  by  reason  of  briers  and  thorns  yet  through  some 
of  which  he  must  pass  or  starve  on  the  spot,  and  you  will  see 
your  friend. 

For  News  I  shall  refer  you  to  Mr.  Nevins.  My  hearty  prayer 
to  God  for  my  Country  is  that  he  would  preserve  peace  and 
harmony  among  ourselves.  I  greatly  fear  some  of  America's  great 
est  and  most  dangerous  enemies  are  such  as  think  themselves  her 
best  friends.  In  what  other  light  can  we  consider  such  men  as 
profess  themselves  firm  friends  to  her  cause  and  yet  are  spiriting 
up  their  neighbours  to  fall  on  the  Merchant  and  compel  him 
to  sell  his  own  goods  at  their  own  price.  Had  we  virtue  to  deny 
ourselves  our  foolish  passions,  and  assist  each  other  to  the  end  I 
think  we  need  not  fear  the  Boasted  power  of  Britain  with  all  her 
train  of  Confederate  Mercenaries.  What  an  appearance  must 
Britain  make  in  the  eyes  of  other  Nations,  who,  even  whilst  she 
is  loudly  proclaiming  her  kindness  in  nourishing  and  protecting 
her  infant  offspring  in  America,  is,  upon  the  first  notice  of  peevish 
ness  and  ill  humor  obliged  to  intreat,  and  even  hire  her  neigh 
bours  to  assist  in  correcting  it. — Alas !  degenerate  Britain  no  longer 
boast  thyself  mistress  of  the  World ! — 

E.  MARVIN 

N.  B.  Nevins  is  on  the  hill  every  night.  Polly  says  she  writes 
by  him.  The  Ladie's  are  all  in  good  spirits. 

[In  Connecticut  Historical   Society  Library.] 


208  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

WILLIAM  ROBINSON  TO  HALE  AT  EAST  HADDAM1 

WINDSOR  (not  east)  Jan?  20th  1773  [1774] 
Sir 

In  my  present  unlucky  situation,  I  have  just  recd  yours  of  Day 
after  Thanksgiving;  from  which  I  am  at  a  loss  to  determine 
whether  you  are  yet  in  this  Land  of  the  living,  or  removed  to 
some  far  distant,  &  to  us  unknown  region;  but  thus  much  I  am 
certain  of,  that  if  you  departed  this  Life  at  Modos,  you  stood  but 
a  narrow  chance  for  gaining  a  better; 

At  the  top  of  the  page  I  denomenate  my  present  situation 
unlucky,  in  one  sense  it  is  so;  but  upon  many  accounts  I  can't  but 
say  that  I  am  well  pleas'd  with  it;  By  confining  myself  to  a 
School  I  am  deprived  of  the  pleasure,  of  many  agreeable  rides, 
among  my  Friends  about  the  country,  in  which  I  had  determined 
to  spend  the  Winter;  with  this  farther  aggravation,  that  till  now, 
you  have  not  known  where  to  direct  for  me,  &  perhaps  have 
entertained  suspicions,  that  I  was  careless  about  returning  an 
Answer  to  yours;  on  the  other  hand,  my  school  is  not  large,  my 
neighbours  are  kind  &  clever  (&  summatim)  my  distance  from 
an  house  on  your  side  the  river,  which  contains  an  object  worthy 
the  esteem  of  everyone,  &  I  conclude  has  yours  in  an  especial 
manner,  is  not  great;  such  being  my  situation  why  should  I 
complain?  for  no  other  reason  but  that  I  cannot  enjoy  the  com 
pany  of  yourself,  with  some  other  'special  Friends.  I  have  lately 
seen  your  Brother,  the  other  side  of  the  river,  who  informs  me 
that  he  is  well  pleas'd  with  his  Schools  &  further,  that  Lyman 
tarry'd  with  him  the  Sabbath  before  last,  in  his  return  home  from 
Hatfield,  by  whom  recd  intelligence,  that  being  occasionally  at 
Sunderland  not  long  since  (to  use  his  own  expression)  "I  was  there 
informed,  that  our  Friend  Cooley  had  left  his  school  at  Deerfield, 
&  had  taken  one  at  Sunderland,  where  he  was  married  to  one  Polly 
Clary,  &  lived  with  his  Father  in  Law —  I  did  myself  the  honor 
(you  may  be  sure)  to  pay  the  old  gentleman  and  his  lady  a  Visit; 
at  first  sight  of  me  he  seem'd  much  disconcerted;  but  soon  recol- 

1  Robinson  became  a  prominent  minister  in  Connecticut.  For  a  full 
account  of  him,  see  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies,  Vol.  III. 


APPENDIX  209 

lecting  himself  he  put  on  as  bold  a  countenance  as  possible;  but 
his  Glory  is  departed  from  him,  he  cannot  (as  you  may  well  guess) 
appear  before  his  old  intimates  as  he  used  to  do,  You  may  perhaps 
wonder  how  all  these  things  come  to  pass," 

But 

"that  secret  I  am  somewhat  jealous 
a  Boy  will  come  next  month  to  tell  us," 

Thus  far,  sir,  I  conclude  by  wishing  you,  in  your  business,  the 
greatest  success. 

Your  sincere  friend 

&  huml.  sert. 

WM  ROBINSON 

[In  Connecticut  Historical   Society  Library.] 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  HAVEN  Feb?  19th  1776 
[Printed  in  full  on  page  85.] 


EZRA  SELDEN  TO  HALE1 

ROXBURY  CAMP  June  25th  1775 
Sir 

I  just  have  remembrance  of  my  engagement  to  you  as  well  as 
to  Numbers  of  others  which  I  cannot  fulfill  We  came  into  Rox- 
bury  on  Sunday  about  Five  o  Clock  they  have  been  firing  upon 
Roxbury  a  great  Part  of  Saturday  killed  one  Man  June  24  have 

1  Selden,  one  of  Male's  classmates,  was  at  this  time  orderly  sergeant 
in  Colonel  S.  H.  Parsons'  Connecticut  regiment.  He  remained  in  the 
service  to  the  end  of  the  war,  rising  to  the  rank  of  captain.  At  the 
storming  of  Stony  Point  in  1779  he  was  severely  wounded.  He  was  a 
native  of  Lyme.  Two  more  of  his  letters,  written  in  much  better  style, 
appear  in  "Yale  in  the  Revolution,"  Yale  Biographies,  etc.,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  505. 


210  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

been  firing  upon  Roxbury  Saturday  afternoon  and  killed  two 
Men  with  small  arms  which  throug  presumtion  attempted  to  set 
on  fire  their  guard  house  but  they  ran  in  great  numbers  from 
behind  the  house  fired  upon  them  both  of  which  were  taken  one 
of  them  was  run  throug  with  Bayonets  and  carried  of  in  that 
manner  none  others  hurt  they  made  some  shingles  fly  and  some 
dust  &  a  small  matter  of  Dust  with  their  Bums  though  our  people 
feard  them  but  tryfling  one  marched  up  and  pulled  out  the  fuse 
carried  the  Bum  to  head  Quarters  the  chief  of  Ball  would  be 
taken  up  before  they  had  done  roling.  The  Inhabitance  have  done 
comeing  out  of  Boston  almost  The  number  of  those  Slain  in  the 
Battle  between  Putnam  and  the  Gagites  is  uncertain  By  letters 
from  Gentlemen  in  Boston  Gage  has  his  Army  sixteen  hundred 
worse  than  before  the  engagement.  Putnam  by  the  Doctors 
Account  has  and  will  lose  150  Men  some  number  of  those  Provin- 
tials  that  were  taken  Prisoners  have  sent  out  letters  by  way  of  the 
Guards  both  ways.  The  Contents  if  any  I  cannot  Procure  fur 
ther  than  that  they  are  very  well  treated  Sunday  night  June  25th 
A  number  of  Rhode  Hand  Men  under  took  to  set  on  fire  their 
Guard  house  upon  Boston  neck  but  were  prevented  some  fires 
were  exchanged  on  both  sides  but  I  dont  learn  as  any  were  hurt 
on  either  side 

The  Soldier  live  in  houses  as  many  as  can  &  more  also  But 
are  not  so  healthy  as  those  in  Tents  of  which  number  we  are  I 
don't  learn  anything  worth  mentioning  our  fort  upon  the  hill 
near  the  meeting  house  contains  about  1  &  1-3  acres  of  Land 
we  have  another  Batery  where  the  rodes  part  that  comes  out  of 
Boston  have  also  two  more  upon  the  neck  one  of  them  against 

the  Burying  Yard 

EZRA  SELDEN 

N.  B.     Cap*  Ely's  &  Clefs  Companies  came  in  on  Sunday 

To 
Mr  Nathan  Hale 

New  London  in  Connecticut 

[Original  letter  in  possession  of  the  Boston  Public  Library.     Printed 
in  its  "Monthly  Bulletin,"  November,   1900.] 


APPENDIX  211 

BENJAMIN  TALLMADGE  TO  HALE.1 

N2     Friendly  Sir,2 

In  my  delightsome  retirement  from  the  fruitless  Bustle  of  the 
noisy,  with  my  usual  Delight,  &,  perhaps,  with  more  than  com 
mon  attention,  I  perused  your  Epistle — Replete  as  it  was  with 
Sentiments  worthy  to  be  contemplated,  let  me  assure  you  with 
the  strongest  confidence  of  an  affectionate  Friend,  that  with  noth 
ing  was  my  Pleasure  so  greatly  heightned,  as  with  your  curious 
remarks  upon  my  preceding  Performance,  which,  so  far  from  carry 
ing  the  appearance  of  a  censureing  Critick's  empty  amusement, 
seemed  to  me  to  be  wholly  the  result  of  unspoted  regard  &  (as 
I  may  say)  fraternal  esteem.  Equall  certain  (If  I  know  you[r] 
Disposition)  That  the  same  liberty  will  be  allowed  on  your  Part; 
I  shall  always  (in  Terms  not  unworthy  of  a  friend)  take  the 
Liberty  to  inform  you  wherever  our  Judgments  materially  dis 
agree  Nevertheless,  as  your  Permission  has  not  been  expressly 
granted  me  on  this  head,  &  nothing,  essentially  different  from 
my  own  opinion,  appearing  in  your  Letters,  I  have  no  occasion  at 
present,  of  pointing  out  any  Inaccuracy  in  your  own  Composition. 
Still,  assuming  the  Privilege  (which  no  Person,  either  accused  or 
condemned,  can  reasonably  be  denyed),  viz.  of  defendinging  my 
own  assertions,  I  hope  to  make  reasonable,  what  before  seemed 
somewhat  needless. 

You  intimated  in  your  last,  that  my  using  the  Comparative  De 
gree  was  somewhat  needless,  alledging  that  the  sincerity  of  my 
friendship  would  not  be  rendered  more  conspicuous  by  the  use  of 
the  Comparative.  Had  I  endeavoured  in  good  earnest  to  leave 
it  as  an  undoubted  Truth,  that  I  exceeded  you  in  regard  &  esteem 

1  Tallraadge,  at  this  date  a  Junior  or  Senior  at  college,  was  a  native 
of  Setauket,  Long  Island.     As  major  of  Dragoons  he  distinguished  him 
self    during   the    Revolution.      Subsequently   member    of    Congress.      His 
career  is  well  known.     More  of  his  letters  appear  in  "Yale  in  the  Revo 
lution"   and  his   "Memoir,"   as    reprinted   with   notes,   by  the   Society   of 
Sons  of  the  Revolution,  New  York,  in  1904.     Yale  Biographies,"  etc.,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  506. 

2  «]\j2»   js    jn    Hale's   hand,   meaning,    apparently,    letter    No.   2   from 
Tallmadge.     See  p.  20. 


212  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

as  much  as  I  did  in  comparison,  I  allow  it  would  have  been  bor 
dering  upon  arrogance,  &  needless  superf ueties ;  But  I  assure  you 
this  was  far  from  being  my  intent  &  Design — True,  I  would  be 
glad  to  be  ranked  in  the  number  of  your  best  &  most  intimate 
Friends,  but  I  did  not  think  that  method  would  be  any  ways  con 
tributory  to  that  end.  I  therefore  stiled  myself  in  that  manner, 
for  want  of  a  better  Epithet  (not  deeming  it  of  great  Importance 
whether  there  be  any  or  not)  &  perhaps  with  a  view  to  conclude 
with  a  Compliment  somewhat  jocose.  Retracting,  partly,  what 
I  before  said  about  criticising  upon  your  own  performances  I 
can't  but  acquaint  you  with  one  observation  You  seemingly  dis 
like  the  Character  which  I  assumed  &  immediately  after  refuse 
to  change  yours;  rightly  thinking  that  my  judgment  will  not  be 
founded  on  the  Character  which  you  apply  to  yourself.  Allowing 
that  the  Term  by  which  a  person  is  called  ought  to  be  esteemed  of 
no  Importance,  you  still,  mildly,  &  curiously,  reprimand  me  for 
using  a  particular  Term.  If  I  ought  to  look  upon  yours  to  be 
of  no  importance,  you  ought  to  be  as  favourable  to  me  £  esteem 
mine  of  as  little. 

My  applying  the  reasons,  offered  for  not  corresponding,  as 
motives  for  my  undertaking  this  particular  employment  you  also 
think  somewhat  needless. — The  end  of  my  former  Epistle  was 
mostly  to  offer  the  reasons  wrhich  had  induced  me  to  correspond; 
now  had  I  omited  one  of  the  most  powerful  motives  to  this  under 
taking,  you  would  not  have  been  fully  acquainted  with  my  views, 
&  the  advantage  which  I  hope  to  receive,  &  so  perhaps  would  not 
have  been  equally  contributory  to  my  proposed  schemes  &  real 
Profit- 
Thus  much  have  I  wrote,  more  out  of  curiosity  than  anything 
else,  not  supposing  that  you  absolutely  condemned  what  I  have 
been  defending.  But  still  this  method  of  writing  is  not  wholly 
destitute  of  every  advantage  In  the  first  Place,  it  affords  an  oppor 
tunity,  as  well  as  gives  a  Person  a  Disposition,  carefully  to  scruti 
nize  into  all  manner  of  writing;  while  it  will  be  a  monitor  to 
himself  to  avoid  defects  manifest  in  the  same.  And  secondly  it 
may  be  of  advantage  to  us,  in  causing  us  carefully  to  consider 
what  we  assert,  that  so  we  may  be  able  to  defend  the  same, 


APPENDIX  213 

against  the  captious  wills  &  the  insidious  words  of  our  adversaries — 
To  obtain  advantage  myself,  &  to  be  contributory,  as  much  as  I 
am  able  to  your  improvement,  was  certainly  my  whole  Design  in 
undertaking  this  exercise ;  &  I  doubt  not  but  that  the  same  reasons 
were  your  greatest  Inducements — To  this  End,  I  make  no  doubt, 
you  freely  gave  me  your  Judgment  in  your  last  Epistle,  &  with 
the  same  views  I  make  you  this  return :  which  may  perhaps  answer 
your  reasonable  expectation  &  yet  fall  wholly  short  of  your 
Desire — 

I  have  so  far  exceeded  my  design  in  treating  upon  the  preceed- 
ing  Topics,  that  I  must  omit  many  things,  which  I  determined  to 
have  discoursed  upon  at  this  Time — to  be  considered  in  some 
future  Paper. 

In  haste  From  Yours  &c  DAMON 

B— T— .. 
To 

Mr  Nathan  Hale 
N.  South  Stairs 

[In  Connecticut  Historical   Society  Library.] 


SAME  TO  SAME 
Dear  Sir 

the  Reception  of  your  Epistle,  dated  June  25th  as  sensibly 
encreased  my  happiness,  as  perhaps  any  one  accidental  Circum 
stance  which  hath  hapened  to  me  since  my  first  arrival.  Although 
my  Company  &  present  Condition,  is  far  from  tending  to  Melan 
choly  &  Dulness;  yet  in  a  place  where  few  intimate  Friends,  or 
even  acquaintance  are  at  first  to  be  found ;  that  absolute  contented- 
ness  of  Mind,  which  is  so  necessary  to  true  Happiness,  is  not  so 
readily  obtained.  But  perhaps  I  am  more  than  commonly  de 
lighted  with  the  Perusal  of  such  friendly  Epistles.  Indeed  I 
know  of  no  one  Circumstance  which  would  tend  more  directly,  to 
make  me  contented  in  my  particular  Place  than  the  Correspond 
ence  which  I  should  hope  to  maintain  with  some  of  my  most  inti- 


214  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

mate  Friends.  That  which  has  for  some  time  subsisted  between 
you  &  myself,  I  desire  may  never  have  an  End;  and  although  I 
have  not  so  much  Time  as  I  could  desire,  in  order  that  I  might 
make  my  letters  both  e[n]tertaining  &  instructive  to  my  absent 
Friend,  yet  I  hope  you  will  by  no  means  suffer  your  pen  to  be  in 
Poleness  (if  by  such  frequent  use  you  have  learnt  it  to  work  of  its 
own  accord)  so  long  as  you  can  be  both  contributory  to  my 
advantage,  &  happiness. 

My  present  Situation  is  very  agreable,  &  I  think  more  so  than 
what  I  expected.  Perhaps,  in  no  Place  is  there  more  distinction 
with  regard  to  Company.  The  Pedagogues  of  this  Place,  have 
the  Honour  to  be  admitted  into  the  Number  of  those  who  are  of 
the  first  Rank.  In  such  Company  we  have  not  only  the  advan 
tages  of  friendly  Intercourse,  Jollity,  &  Mirth;  but  it  may  also 
be  rendered  very  useful  &  instructive — The  female  part,  is  very 
agreable — Singing  I  think  is  by  no  means  the  least  agreable  Exer 
cise  of  the  Lords  Day — My  School  is  indeed  very  large,  about  60  : 
70  :  80  :  &  90  but  I  hope  soon  to  have  a  Collegue  (of  the  fair 
sex)  settled  under  me,  (or  rather  over  me,)  for  She  will  dwell 
in  the  2d  loft — I,  at  present  dwel  with  Mrs.  Lockwood,  where 
I  have  all  things  convenient.  But  Time  would  fail  me  to  enumer 
ate  all  my  Circumstances;  what  remains  I  must  reserve  for  the 
next  Epistle.  These  Lines  come  in  greate  haste  &  with  much 
love  £  regard,  from  your  sincere  Friend,  &  constant  Well-wisher 

DAMON  -  B    :  T— 
Weathersfield  July  9th   1773- 

P  :  S  :  tell  Shelton  not  to  fail  of  writing  me  a  letter  &  I  will 
send  him  an  answer.  Give  my  regards  to  your  Room-mates,  & 
tell  them  to  write.  By  all  means  let  me  know  the  Day  of  the 
Examination. 

To 
Mr  Nathan  Hale 

Student  at  Y1  College 
pr  fav.  of  Mr  Lockwood— 

[From  original  in  possession  of  the  New  York  Public  Library.] 


APPENDIX  215 

SAME  TO  SAME 


Dear  friend 


actuated  by  Principles  of  the  most  sincere  regard,  &  called  on 
by  the  ties  of  Gratitude  &  friendship,  I  have  set  apart  an  hour  of 
this  far  declining  evening  for  the  purpose  of  writing  an  Epistle 
to  one  whose  regard  I  highly  prize,  whose  welfare  I  shall  always 
endeavour  to  promote.  Mr.  Richard's  Determination  to  ride 
early  in  the  morning  makes  it  necessary  for  me  to  improve  the 
present  moments  [which  for  certain  reasons  I  could  gladly  spend 
in  a  different  way]  for  the  purpose  before  mentioned. 

You  may  perhaps  have  heard  of  my  late  Journey  to  the  East 
ward.  Would  time  permit  I  should  give  you  some  history  of  my 
late  travels,  the  state  of  our  military  arrangement,  &  the  wonder 
ful  Phenomena  observable  by  every  gaping  Spectator.  However 
the  barrenness  of  these  parts  for  News  &  my  own  disposition  at. 
present  [which  can  hardly  afford  from  its  treasure  things  new  & 
old]  must  excuse  this  neglect.  Let  such  currency  pass;  I  have 
things  of  more  importance  to  treat  of;  a  subject  wherein  you  are 
by  no  means  unconcerned,  &  the  community  has  a  vote  among  the 
rest.  By  your  good  Landlord  I  am  informed  that  you  are  honoured 
by  the  Assembly  with  a  Lieutenant's  commission.  I  can't  say  that 
you  will  hesitate  a  moment  in  your  own  mind  about  accepting  or 
refusing;  but  you  have  a  matter  of  no  trifling  consideration  which 
presents  itself  for  calm  reflexion,  mature  deliberation,  &  a  wise  con 
clusion.  Private  Interest  must  be  far  removed,  &  the  community, 
with  the  good  thereunto  accruing  by  your  present  choice,  must 
sway  your  mind.  Good  indeed  had  it  been  for  mankind  if  such 
principles  as  these  had  influenced  their  conduct.  Hardly,  my 
friend ;  hardly  had  we  seen  the  present  awful  &  gloomy  day :  a  Day 
big  with  some  great  Event ;  a  Period  which  will  decide  the  fate  of 
millions,  &  productive  of  great  Emolument  to  but  few.  But 
not  to  digress,  I  shall  endeavor  to  suit  myself  to  your  condition 
&  situation  in  life,  &  a [d]  vise  you  as  I  think  I  should  act  myself. 
You  must  already  be  considered  as  acting  in  a  publick  capacity,  and 
in  a  sphere  which  no  one  can  say  is  of  no  avail  to  the  Publick.  Lib 
erty  is  closely  connected  with  learning ;  and  when  I  peruse  the  Vol- 


216  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

umes  of  Antiquity,  and  see  how  the  greatest  absurdities  have  found 
a  good  &  welcome  reception,  when  assisted  by  profound  ignorance, 
I  can  heartily  thank  my  God  [though  not  with  the  Pharisee  of 
old]  that  we  are  not  in  this  land,  ignorant  beyond  measure,  sense 
less  dupes,  &c  By  this  I  am  not  for  asserting  that  we  rise  immod 
erately  high  in  the  lists  of  the  Learned,  but  that  there  is  a  greater 
equality  among  the  People,  &  consequently  a  more  equal  share 
in  the  current  useful  knowledge  of  the  Day.  But  this  by  the  bye. 
When  I  consider  you  as  a  Brother  Pedagogue,  engaged  in  a  calling, 
useful,  honorable,  &  doubtless  to  you  very  entertaining,  it  seems 
difficult  to  advise  you  even  to  relinquish  your  business,  &  to  leave 
so  agreeable  a  circle  of  connections  &  friends.  But  when  I  con 
sider  you  as  acting  in  that  capacity  to  the  good  acceptance  of  all  con 
cerned,  &  to  your  own  applause  [and  far  be  it  from  me  to  flatter 
a  friend]  the  difficulty  is  still  greater.  On  the  other  hand  when 
I  consider  our  country,  a  Land  flowing  as  it  were  with  milk  & 
honey,  holding  open  her  arms,  &  demanding  Assistance  from  all 
who  can  assist  her  in  her  sore  distress,  Methinks  a  Christian's 
counsel  must  favour  the  latter.  You  have  I  conclude  some  turn 
for  the  military  art,  which  being  greatly  improved  by  practice, 
may  render  you  highly  serviceable  to  act  in  that  Department. 
Since  our  late  distresses  have  come  upon  us,  I  have  turned  my 
attention  somewhat  into  the  same  channel,  &  find  myself  highly 
entertained  in  such  pursuits.  Was  I  in  your  condition,  notwith 
standing  the  many,  I  had  almost  said  insuperable,  objections 
against  such  a  resolution,  I  think  the  more  extensive  Service 
would  be  my  choice.  Our  holy  Religion,  the  honour  of  our  God, 
a  glorious  country,  &  a  happy  constitution  is  what  we  have  to 
defend.  Some  indeed  may  say  there  are  others  who  may  supply 
your  place.  True  there  are  men  who  would  gladly  accept  of  such 
a  proposal  but  are  we  certain  that  they  would  be  likely  to  answer 
just  as  good  an  end?  Could  this  be  certainly  known,  though  we 
all  should  be  ready  to  step  forth  in  the  common  cause,  I  could 
think  it  highly  incumbent  on  you  not  to  change  your  situation. 
These  hints,  thrown  together  in  great  haste,  proceed  from  a  heart 
ever  devoted  to  your  welfare,  &  from  one  who  shall  esteem  it  his 
happiness  to  promote  yours.  I  hope  to  hear  from  you  soon  &  to 


APPENDIX  217 

know  your  determination ;  in  the  mean  time  I  remain  your  constant 
friend  &c  &c 

Wethersfield,  July  4,  1775  B.  TALLMADGE 

Per  Mr.  Richards 
To 

Mr.  Nathan  Hale 
New  London 

[From  original  in  possession  of  Hon.  Simon  Gratz,  Philadelphia.] 


EBENEZER  WILLIAMS  TO  HALE* 

[NEW  HAVEN  20th  April,  1775] 

[Letter,  printed  in  part  on  page  69.     The  extract  appeared  in 
a  Philadelphia  sale  catalogue  in  May,   1913.] 


TIMOTHY  DWIGHT  TO  HALE2 

Dear  Sir, 

The  many  civilities  I  have  already  received  at  your  hands,  em 
bolden  me  to  trouble  you  with  the  inclos'd.  The  design  you  will 
learn  from  a  perusal  of  it.  As  such  a  publication  ["The  Conquest 
of  Canaan"]  must  be  founded  on  an  extensive  subscription,  I  find 
myself  necessitated  to  ask  the  assistance  of  my  friends.  To  a 
person  of  Mr.  Hale's  character  (motive  of  friendship  apart)  fond 
ness  for  the  liberal  arts  would  be  a  sufficient  apology  for  this 
application.  As  I  was  ever  unwilling  to  be  under  even  necessary 
obligations,  it  would  have  been  highly  agreeable,  could  I  have 
transacted  the  whole  business  myself.  Since  that  is  impossible  I 
esteem  myself  happy  in  reflecting  that  the  person,  who  may  confer 
this  obligation,  is  a  Gentleman,  of  whose  politeness  and  benevolence 
I  have  already  experienced  so  frequent,  and  so  undoubted  assur- 

1  For  notice  of  Williams,  see  Yale  Biographies,  Vol.  III. 

2  A    comprehensive    notice    of    Dr.    Dwight,    later    President   of   Yale 
College,  is  given  in  Dexter's  Biographies,  Vol.  III. 


2i8  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

ances.  If  you  will  be  so  kind,  my  Dear  Sir,  as  to  present  the 
inclos'd  to  those  Gentlemen  &  Ladies,  of  the  circle  with  which  you 
are  connected,  whom  you  may  think  likely  to  honour  the  poem 
with  their  encouragement,  and  return  it  with  their  Names,  by  a 
convenient  opportunity,  it  will  add  one  to  the  many  instances  of 
esteem  with  which  you  have  obliged  your  very  sincere  Friend, 

and  most  Humble  Servant 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT,  Jun 
Mr.  Nathan  Hale 
Feb.  20,  1776. 

Comp's  to  Capt.  Hull,  Mr.  E.  Hunt'g  [Lieut.  Ebenezer  Hunt- 
ington]  &  the  rest  of  my  acquaintance  in  Camp. 

I  would  beg  the  favor  of  you  to  forward  a  letter  which  will  be 
delivered  to  you  by  Capt.  Perit  for  Doct  Brackett  of  Portsmouth, 
as  you  have  connections  there  you  may  probably  do  it  without 
inconvenience 

[In  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Library.] 


LETTERS  FROM  HALE'S  FRIENDS  AT  NEW  LONDON  AND 

IN  THE  ARMY 

[The  originals  of  the  following  letters,  with  the  exception  of  two  other 
wise  credited,  are  in  the  possession  of  the  Connecticut  Historical 
Society  Library.] 

THOMAS  U.  FOSDICK  TO  HALE  AT  CAMP 

NEW  LONDON,  Decr  7,  1775 
Dear  Sir, 

Ever  since  the  uneasiness,  which  I  have  heard,  persisting  amongst 
the  Connecticut  Troops,  I've  form'd  a  Resolution  to  go  down  to 
the  assistance  of  my  countrymen,  to  facilitate  which  I  have  re 
signed  my  office  as  Serjeant  in  Col.  Saltonstall's  Com'y — I  make 
no  doubt,  Sir,  but  you  can  assist  me  to  some  such  office,  as  I 
should  choose  to  be  in  that  station,  under  you  in  particular;  if 
not,  I  am  determined  to  come  down — a  hearty  Boy,  undaunted 


APPENDIX  219 

by  Danger.    Ensign  Hurlbut  will  write  you  concerning  the  above. 
Your  in  haste  very  humble  Serv* 

THOS  UPDIKE  [FOSDICK] 


TIMOTHY  GREEN  TO  HALE  AT  EAST  HADDAM 

NEW  LONDON,  Decr  21.  1773. 
Sr 

I  have  shewed  Mr  Huntington's  Letter  and  the  Sample  of 
your  writing  enclosed  in  it  to  several  of  the  Proprietors  of  the 
School  in  this  Town;  who  have  desired  me  to  inform  you  that 
there  is  a  Probability  of  their  agreeing  with  you  to  keep  the 
School:  and  for  that  Reason  desire  that  you  would  not  engage 
yourself  elsewhere  till  you  hear  further  from  them. 

But  should  you  think  proper  to  ride  to  this  Place  immediately 
upon  the  Receipt  of  my  Letter,  the  matter  might  be  sooner  deter 
mined  ;  and  in  which  Case  I  will  see  that  you  are  at  no  Charge 
while  here. 

Your  very  Hleservt 

TIMO  GREEN 
P.  S. 

Decr  23d  Sr  Since  writing  the  above  Mr  Phineas  Tracy  of 
Norwich,  has  took  our  School  for  3  months,  but  I  dont  think  it 
probable  he  will  continue  in  it  longer  than  that  and  should  you 
take  a  ride  here  it  might  be  to  your  advantage 

To 

Mr.  Nathan  Hale 
at  East  Haddam 


SAME  TO  SAME 

N  LONDON,  Feb  -  4  -  1774 
Mr  Hale 

Sr 

I  received  your  Favr  by  Mr  Belding,  and  observe  the  Con 
tents. 


220  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

In  Case  you  had  not  wrote  I  shou'd  have  sent  you  a  Line  this 
Week,  which  I  think  was  agreeable  to  my  promise  when  you  were 
here,  but  wras  glad  to  receive  a  line  from  you  as  it  may  serve  to 
quicken  the  Proprietors  of  the  School  to  act  upon  the  matter. 

You  may  remember  it  was  said,  that  soon  after  the  rising  of 
the  Gen.  Assembly  you  shou'd  receive  a  definitive  answer  from  the 
Proprietors  of  the  School — Those  of  them  who  were  at  Hartford 
have  returned,  but  as  Rh.  Law  (who  is  Judge  of  the  County  Court 
which  is  now  sitting  at  Norwich)  was  obliged  almost  immediately 
to  attend  the  Court  there,  it  has  so  happened  that  we  have  not 
as  yet  had  a  meeting  of  the  Proprietors;  but  expect  that  some 
thing  will  be  determined  by  the  time  Mr  Belding  goes  from  hence 
next  week;  if  so,  you  may  depend  on  hearing  from  me  then,  and  I 
cannot  but  hope  you'll  wait  one  week  more  before  you  engage  in 
another  School. 

I  shall  communicate  your  Letter  to  the  Proprietors  and  conclude 
at  this  time  (in  great  Haste)  by  subscribing  myself  Sr 

Your  moHleservt 

TIMO  GREEN 


SAME  TO  SAME 

N.  LONDON,  Feb.  10:  1774. 
Sr 

Since  my  last  to  you,  the  Proprietors  of  the  new  School  House 
in  this  Town  have  had  a  meeting,  and  agreed  that  you  should  take 
the  School  for  one  quarter,  at  the  rate  of  $220.  Dols.  pr.  ann.  to 
be  paid  at  the  end  of  the  qtr.  of  which  I  am  desired  to  acquaint 
you.  Am  not  able  to  inform  you  when  Mr.  Tracy's  quarter  will 
expire,  but  this  I  will  do  when  I'm  acquainted  by  a  Line  from  you 
whether  we  may  depend  on  your  taking  the  school,  which  you 
will  please  to  write  me  pr.  first  oppo. — 

It  is  the  desire  of  the  Proprietors  that  you  would  come  down  two 
or  three  days  before  Mr.  Tracy's  quarter  expires  that  they  may 
be  certain  of  the  school's  being  immediately  supplied  with  a 


APPENDIX  221 

master — In  which  case  it  is  agreed  that  your  Wages  shall  com 
mence  from  the  Time  of  your  arriving  here. — I  am,  Sr, 

Your  mo  Hble  Servt, 

TIMO  GREEN 

Mr.  Tracy's  Time  will  be  up  about  the  middle  of  March. 


JOHN  HALLAM  TO  HALE  IN  CAMP 

NEW  LONDON  Octr  9th  1775 
Dear  Sir 

I  recd  your  two  Letters  by  Cap*  Packwood  &  the  post,  am 
extremly  glad  you  bore  travelling  &  arriv'd  at  the  Camp  so  well — • 
I  wrote  you  to  send  by  the  Last  Post  but  he  omitted  calling,  which 
I  have  now  sent  by  Col1  Sage  you  must  excuse  the  Letters  as 
I  had  no  more  paper 

I  wrote  you  that  it  was  reported  that  Col1  Guy  Johnson  was 
dead,  which  is  a  mistake  it  is  Mathias  Johnson  that  was  com 
mander  of  the  Escort  of  13  Waggon  Load  of  provisions  which  we 
defeated  at  Chambli  &  took  all  the  Provision — On  Saturday  a 
ship  who  sail'd  from  N.  Yk  Bound  for  Falmouth  with  8000  bushls 
of  Wheat — put  in  for  Stonington  but  run  a  ground  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Harbour  She  lost  her  chain  &  mizen  mast  in  the  storm 
on  the  10th  of  Sepr  &  these  easterly  winds  drove  her  in  to  Ston 
ington)  our  Committee  sent  Cap1  Niles  in  the  arm'd  schooner 
&  Several  Other  Vessels  to  her  assistance  after  Loading  two 
Lighters  she  floated  &  they  are  towing  of  her  in  here  to  send  to 
Norwich — we  have  Ace1  from  Liverpool  by  Way  of  N.  York 
as  late  as  the  7th  of  Aug*  which  says  a  fleet  has  sailed  from  Eng 
land  to  Embden  to  take  in  10000  Hanoverians.  &  that  several 
more  Regts  from  England  &  Ireland  with  one  of  Scots  High 
landers  Commanded  by  Gen11  Murray  who  may  be  expected  in 
the  Course  of  this  month 

Your  ace1  of  Church's  Villiany  made  me  shudder.  Heav'ns 
what  a  scene  of  Villiany  this  it  seems  to  me  is  sufficient  to  con 
vince  one  there  is  an  overuling  hand  of  Providence — We  have 


222  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

had  a  Copey  of  his  Letters  in  Town  I  expect  to  be  with  you 
within  a  Fortnight  desire  the  Majr  to  send  me  an  order  on 
the  Commissary  for  a  Drum,  he  refuses  Give  me  one  without — 
Sir  am  yrs 

Sincere  Friend 

J.  H. 

P.  S.       Sally  has  gone  home 
Mrs  Hallam  Betsey  &  the 
rest  of  the  Family's  Compts 
to  you 

To 

Lieu1  Nathan  Hale 
Maj  Latimers  Compy 
Col1  Webb's  Reg' 
in  Camp  at  Winter  Hill 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON  Decr  2d  1775 
Dear  Sir 

How  is  this?  my  messingers  has  come  back  &  not  aline  from 
you?  I've  almost  [as  Agrippa  said]  a  mind  to  brake  of  &  not 
write  a  word  to  you,  &  for  the  good  I  shall  do  I  had  better;  I  feel 
like  a  Fool  &  of  course  my  Letter  must  be  nonsince,  I  write,  not 
with  a  view  of  edifying  you,  nor  of  telling  you  news  the  first  I 
can't  do,  &  for  news  I've  none  to  tell,  well,  what  do  I  write  for? 
Why  to  take  this  oppertunity  to  let  you  know  that  I  am  well 
hoping  that  these  few  Lines  will  find  you  in  the  same  state  of 
health.  Ha,  ha,  ha,  I'm  fast  aground ;  not  another  word  can  I 
remember  when  I  began  I  tho*  I  could  have  fill'd  half  aside  at 
least  of  good  old  fashion'd  Letter  stuff  which  has  serv'd  our  honest 
ancestors  (without  altering  a  Single  word)  but  Just  transcribing 
for  at  least  a  Century 

I  suppose  you've  had  the  particulars  of  Montreal's  being  in  our 
possession,  if  not  before  you'll  have  it  in  our  papers 

I  am  yrs— J— H— 


APPENDIX  223 

give  my  compts  to  Ensign  Hurlburt  tell  him  I  have  sent  another 
pr  Buckles  by  the  Post.  Sunday  noon  George  Hurlbutt  has  just 
arriv'd  shall  not  send  the  Buckles — 

Cap*  Nathan  Hale 
Col1  Webbs  Reg' 
pr  Post  Winter  Hill 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON  Decr  10th  1775 
bunday  Evening 

Dear  Sir 

I  recd  yours  by  the  Post,  which  tho'  short,  believe  me  was  very 
acceptable;  your  being  on  Picquet  is  a  sufficient  excuse  that  you 
wrote  no  more — I  must  make  an  excuse  for  the  shortness  of  mine 
of  a  similar  kind;  we  have  at  length  concluded  to  intrench  along 
our  Street,  from  Cap*  N.  Douglass's  to  Cap1  Wm  Packwood,  which 
we  began  Friday  afternoon,  on  Saterday  we  work'd,  &  likewise  all 
this  Day  occasion'd  by  an  alarm;  &  tomorrow  &  next  Day  we 
expect  our  Country  Friends  in  to  help  us;  we've  had  upwards  of 
200  Volunteers  to  work.  The  Alarm  /I  mention'd/  was  thus. 
Early  this  morning  we  recd  an  Express  from  Stonington,  that  a 
Ship  &  Tender  was  coming  into  their  Harbour  &  several  more 
was  seen  in  the  Offing,  a  few  Hours  after  she  made  her  appear 
ance  rond  Eastern  Point;  Judge  you  of  the  confusion,  I  never 
saw  greater  nor  did  I  ever  see  Men  work  with  such  spirit  & 
prepare  to  fight  with  more  resolution. 

I  think  it  impossible  that  the  same  number  of  Men  in  the 
same  time  could  do  more  work  tho'  most  of  us  unus'd  to  the  spade 
&  Pick  ax  as  witness  my  hands  all  of  a  Blister;  the  particulars  of 
our  proceedings  I  ned  not  mention,  but  you  may  depend  on't  we 
did  every  thing  we  could;  but  (to  our  great  joy)  by  means  of  a 
spy  Glass,  as  the  ship  drew  nearer  we  discover'd  her  to  be  a 
Merchantman. 

Our  assembly  is  call'd  this  week  it's  said  to  raise  2000  men  /to 
supply  the  place  of  our  Troops  that  come  away/  till  the  army 
can  be  form'd 


224  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

A  Letter  from  Mr  Vendervert  says  about  12  ton  of  Powder  the 
Last  week  arriv'd  at  Philadelphia 

I  had  like  to  forgot  to  tell  you  that  about  100  Men  all  Volun 
teers  have  been  at  work  this  week  past  on  the  Ledge  of  rocks 
about  half  way  from  the  waters  edge  to  the  top  of  Groton  Hill 
down  by  Chester  which  Place  they  mean  to  fortify  well,  the  Co1 
is  likewise  with  his  Men  building  a  good  Battery  on  Winthrops 
Neck,  at  the  same  time  our  intrenchments  go  on  Briskly;  thus  you 
see  We  have  at  Length  wak'd  from  our  Lethargy — we  have  so 
many  demands  for  men  that  your  Comp^  fills  slow  Your  Enfn 
has  in  all  about  16  Your  Lieut  but  few  what  George  tells  me  he 
has  wrote  you  is  perhaps  the  reason  of  your  Lieu1  Poor  success — 
the  Col1  Compy  is  not  quite  full.  Shaw  &  Mumford  by  permit 
of  the  Congress  have  near  a  dozen  vessels  fitting  out  for  Powder, 
Dudley  Saltonstall  beating  up  for  volunteers  as  he  is  appointed 
Cap*  of  a  thirty  Gun  Frigate  by  the  Congress,  Cap*  N.  Saltonstall 
is  his  first  Lieu1  there  is  a  number  of  recruiting  officers  among  us 
besides  yours  so  that  Your  success  is  as  good  as  you  can  expect — 
every  Day  brings  accts  of  some  Damage  done  our  vessels  by  the 
Gale  of  the  9th  to  the  Eastward,  10th  on  our  Coast,  &  11th  of  Sepr 
to  the  Southward ;  the  southward  the  damage  is  almost  incredible — - 
when  I  sat  down  I  did  not  expect  to  write  so  much,  so  I  shall 
make  no  farther  excuse  for  writing  no  more — 

am  Sr  Yrs  J.  H. 

P.  S.     Compts  from  our  Family — 


ENSIGN  GEORGE  HURLBUT  TO  HALE  AT  CAMP 

NEW  LONDON  Decemr  11th  1775 
Kinde  Sir — 

After  Returning  You  My  Sincere  Thanks  I  would  Inform  You 
I  Receiv'd  Your  Oblidging  Letter  Which  was  Dated  of  the  7th 
Instant  wherein  You  Informb  me  the  Soldiers  was  going  Home  A 
Sunday,  I  should  be  very  Glad  sir,  if  You  would  Inform  me  how 
The  Minds  of  our  Soldiers  is  when  I  came  away  They  ware  very 
Backward  About  Staying,  When  I  was  at  Roxbury,  they  ware  all 
in  Confusion,  they  had  About  30  Under  Guard  that  was  bound 


APPENDIX  225 

home,  I  was  Almost  Discour  they  ware  all  our  Conneticut  men, 
you  May  Depend  upon  it,  Sir,  they  will  all  Return  Again,  their 
friends  will  Receive  them  Very  Cool,  they  all  Blame  them  very 
Much  hear,  their  is  some  in  our  Company  will  Return  Again  I  am 
very  certain,  their  Parents  has  Enquired  About  them  and  should 
Be  very  Glad  to  see  them,  but  not  to  stay  Long,  if  they  Don't 
Return  Again  they  will  be  houted  at  all  Along  Street — I  wrote 
you  A  Letter  By  John  Holt  concerning  Fosdick  I  have  Listed 
him  A  Private,  he  Listed  upon  these  Tirms,  if  he  could  Git  A 
Birth  I  was  to  Release  him.  He  has  had  the  offer  of  A  Serj*  in 
Roxbury  But  Inclin,  if  you  Sir  have  not  engage  yours  I  Should 
be  Glad  if  you  would  be  kinde  enough  to  Give  him  the  Chance, 
he  is  a  Good  hearty  fellow,  And  them  are  the  Men  we  want,  I 
will  acquaint  You  A  Little  how  they  Go  on  hear,  when  I  was  at 
Breckfast  Yesterday  the  news  Come  that  their  Was  4  ships  Turn 
ing  Round  fisher  Island  and  The  Old  women  began  to  Preach 
and  Cry,  we  shall  all  Die, — By  the  Great  Gun  Bullets,  I  Have 
not  took  so  much  Pleasure  since  I  Have  Been  hear,  as  I  did  Yeaster- 
day,  I  Longd  for  You  to  be  hear,  they  all  hands  workt  a  Sunday — 
They  have  Begun  to  Intrench  all  A  Long  street 

But  Least  I  should  weary  Your  Patience  I  will  Conclude  with 
my  Compliments  to  Capt  Hull  and  the  Majr  if  he  is  their 
From  Your  sincere  Friende 

HURLBUT 

N.  B.  Mr  Mumford  has  got  Rum  at  3  pr  gallon  And  Like 
wise  Sugar  if  you  think  it  will  Answer  I  will  engage  it,  you  must 
Let  me  Know  By  the  next  Post  it  is  as  cheap  as  any  hear. 

[Letter  not  addressed  nor  endorsed.] 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON— Decemr  17th  1775 
Dear  Sir 

This  Sarves  to  Inform  you  I  Receivd  yours  of  the  13th  Date 
wherein  you  Informd  me  you  was  upon  Guard  I  Long  to  be  with 
you,  and  hope  to  before  Long.  I  Lott  [  ?]  out  For  to  set  of  from 


226  NATHAN  HALE, 

N  L  on  Tuesday  with  Death  and  the  Cobler,  I  have  the  Advan 
tage  Of  Them,  for  I  Can  Travel  night  and  Day,  the  old  white 
horse  is  better  to  Me  Than  A  Lanthorn — our  Soldiers,  have  All 
Arrived  to  the  famous  City  of  N  L  all  Safe,  they  feel  as  big  as 
Lord  North  as  for  Pat  he  Struts  About  Street  Like  Abore 
Pigg,  with  his  tale  Cut  off  You  will  expect  news  but  their  is 
but  very  Little  hear  excepting  Last  Thursday  Departed  this  Life 
old  Patrick  Robertson,  I  must  Inform  you  that  I  have  not  Seen 
Lieut  Chapman  But  since  I  wrote  you  Last  I  must  Also  Inform 
you,  that  all  hands  is  to  work  to  Day  upon  the  Neck  by  Dudly 
Salstonstall  I  have  Got  2  loves  of  Sugar  of  Ned  Hallam  he  tells 
me  he  will  Supply  me  with  the  other  Articels  as  Cheap  as  any  one 
But  Least  I  Should  weary  your  Patience  I  will  Conclude  with  my 
Regards  to  Corp  Woodbridge  And  bothe  James  Ward  and  James 
Dennis  and  any  other  that  Enquire  after  me 

From  Your  Sincere  friend — 

GEO,  H 

P.  S.  My  farther  and  Mother  Joines  Me  in  Love  to  You 
To  Cap1  Nathan  Hale 

David  Mackduel  has  been  put  into  the  Brig  N  L  |  for  Gitting 
Old  Nat  Williams  Daughter  with  Child  I  was  Informb  to 
Day  that  the  Soldiers  Brok  open  the  old  Brig  and  Let  him  Loose, 
James  Ward  Can  tell  You  the  Vessels  name — I  have  Seen  David 
to  Day  and  I  Believe  he  will  Come  with  me  he  Begs  the  favor 
of  you  if  he  Comes  that  you  will  make  him  your  waiter 

To  Capt  Nathan  Hale 

att 
Winter  Hill 


SAME  TO  SAME 

CAMP  WINTER  HILL  Decr  28,  1775  Evening 
Dear  Sir 

This  Serves  to  Let  you  know  that  I  Joind  our  Company  Last 
Sunday  and  found  them  all  In  Good  Spirits,   I  was  very  much 


APPENDIX  227 

Disappointed  in  not  Seeing  you  Hear,  I  am  now  A  Going  to  Set 
Out  for  Bunker  Hill  But  I  Shant  Go  with  So  much  Pleasure  as 
if  you  was  to  Be  With  me  I  have  Drawn  our  Blank  Money  and 
Our  Advance  Pay  and  Left  it  with  Capt  Hull  I  am  in  Great 
Haste  and  So  must  Conclude  with  my  Regards  to  You  and  any 
that  you  take  to  be  my  friends 

From  your  sincere  friend 

G.  HURLBU[T] 

P.  S.  Give  My  Love  to  Mr  Hallam  and  wife  Likewise  to  John 
And  Betey  Remember  my  Love  to  Nat  Richards  and  any  other 
that  Enquire  after  me — 

From  your  Good  Old  Friend 

G— H 
To  Cap*  Nathan  Hale 

NL 
Please  to  Deliver  the  within 


SAME  TO  SAME 

CAMP  WINTER  HILL  Jan?  4th  1776— 
How  Fairs  it  Cap4 — 

I  have  waited  with  A  Great  Deal  of  Patience  expecting  every 
Post  would  bring  me  a  letter,  as  you  are  in  Debt  to  me  for  one, 
I  thought  I  Could  not  Dispense  with  my  Duty  unles  I  wrote 
you  a  few  Lines  to  Let  you  Know  how  we  Gos  on  hear  we  are 
all  well  Hear  and  in  Good  Spirits  as  ever  I  was  very  much 
unwel  when  Serj1  Hempsted  went  away  It  was  nothing  but  the 
effects  of  Bunker  Hill  I  took  a  very  Bad  Coald  that  night  Sir 
I  hope  the  next  Time  I  See  you,  it  will  be  in  Boston,  a  Drinking 
a  glass  of  wine  with  me  If  we  can  but  have  A  Bridge  we  shall 
Make  a  Push  to  Try  our  Brave  Courage — I  have  Bad  news  to 
tell  you  Brown  is  Confind  for  Attempting  to  Run  one  of  our 
men  through  the  Heart  with  A  Bag1  His  Behaviour  is  been  so 
bad  that  I  could  not  put  up  with  it  any  Longer  and  I  have  Con- 
find  him  The  Col,o  has  been  to  all  the  Cap1  and  says  every  One 
that  behaves  in  Such  a  Manner  Shall  be  Whipt  and  Drumbd  out 


228  NATHAN  HALE, 

of  Camp  and,  he  has  Desird  me  to  write  to  you  for  To  be  Care 
ful  who  you  Inlist  he  was  Confind  Last  week  and  would  have 
been  whip  and  Drumbd  out  of  Camp  if  it  had  not  been  for  theese 
orders  It  Come  out  in  General  orders  that  all  Prisoners  Should 
Be  Dismist  I  have  Got  Clar  of  Deorrity  and  I  Have  Inlisted  A 
Fifer  and  Could  have  Inlisted  a  Genteel  Drummer  if  it  had  not 
have  been  For  Remblington  I  wish1  Chapman  further  of  for 
Inlisting  of  him,  but  I  am  in  hopes  Remblington  Will  Learn  the 
Ravillee  yet — I  have  nothing  worth  Taking  up  Your  Time  to 
Read  And  So  will  Conclude  with  my  Love  to  you 

From  Your  Sincere  Friend 

GH 

P.  S.  Please  To  Give  my  Love  to  Mrs  Latimer  and  Robert  Like 
wise  to  Nat  Richard  Except  the  Same  to  your  self  Due  write  as 
often  as  you  can  and  you  will  oblidge  your  hum1  Serv*  G  H — 
Let  me  know  where  Fosdick  is  and  Maynard  he  is  Loth  to  Come 
but  you  must  Send  him  A  Long  I  have  Returnd  Him  their  is 
Alpheus  Chappel  I  Inlisted  at  N  L  if  you  think  him  worth 
Bringing 

You  must  Stop  Browns  wages  to  Pay  For  what  he  has  Receivd 
out  of  The  Continental  Store  I  have  Paid  him  Thirty  Shillings 
and  6  s  I  Lent  Him  He  will  be  Whipt  and  Drumb,d  out  of 
Camp 

I  wish  you  A  Happy  New  Year 

To 

Cap1  Nathan  Hale 
New  London 
pr  favr  of  Corp1 
Woodbridge 


ROBERT  LATIMER  TO  HALE  AT  CAMP 

Dr  Sir, 

as  I  think  myself  under  the  greatest  obligations  to  you  for  your 
care  and  kindness  to  me,  I  should  think  myself  very  ungratefull, 
if  I  neglected  any  oppertunity  of  expressing  my  gratitude  to  you 


APPENDIX  229 

for  the  same.  And  I  rely  on  that  goodness,  I  have  so  often  expe- 
rienc'd  to  overlook  the  deficiencies  in  my  Letter,  which  I  am  sensi 
ble  will  be  many,  as  maturity  of  Judgment  is  wanting,  and  tho' 
I  have  been  so  happy  as  to  be  favour'd  with  your  instructions,  you 
can't  Sir,  expect  a  finish'd  letter  from  one,  who  has  as  yet  prac- 
tis'd  but  very  litle  this  way,  especially  with  persons  of  your  nice 
discernment. 

Sir  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  by  the  soldiers,  which  is 
come  home,  that  you  are  in  health,  tho'  likely  to  be  deserted  by 
all  the  men  you  carried  down  with  you,  which  I  am  very  sorry 
for,  as  I  think  no  man  of  any  spirit  would  desert  a  cause  in  which, 
we  are  all  so  deeply  interested.  I  am  sure  was  my  Mammy  willing 
I  think  I  should  prefer  being  with  you,  to  all  the  pleasures  which 
the  company  of  my  Relations  Can  afford  me. 

I  am  Sir  with  respect  yr  Sincere  friend 

&  very  H'ble  & 
Decbr  2Qth  1775_  ROBT  LATIMER. 


P.  S.    My  Mammy  &  aunt  Lamb  [  ?]  presents  Complimts    My 
Mammy  would  have  wrote,  but  being  very  busy,  tho't  my  writing 
would  be  Sufficient  —  My  respects  to  Cap1  Hull 
Addressed  to  Capt.  Hale 
"art  Winter  Hill"  per 
favr  of  Ens.  Hurlbut. 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON  March  5th  1776 
Dear  Sir, 

as  my  letters  meet  with  such  kind  reception  from  you,  I  still 
continue  writing  &  hope  that  the  desire  I  have  of  improving, 
added  to  the  pleasure,  I  take  in  hearing  often  from  so  good  a 
friend,  will  sufficiently  excuse  me  for  writing  so  often — I  Recd 
your  kind  letter  Sr  pr  the  post  &  can't  deny  but  your  approbation, 
of  my  writing,  gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure,  &  should  be  afraid 
of  its  rais.s  my  pride;  did  I  not  Consider  that  your  intention  in 
praising  my  poor  performance,  must  be  with  a  design,  of  raising 


23o  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

in  me  an  ambition,  to  endeavour  to  deserve  your  praise — &  I  hope 
that  instructions  convey'd  in  such  an  agreeable  manner,  will  not, 

be  thrown  away  upon  me You  write  Sr  that  you  have  got 

another  Fifer,  &  a  very  good  one  too,  as  I  hear.     Which  I  am 
very  Glad  to  hear,  tho'  I  sincerely  wish  I  was  in  his  Place — 

Have  not  any  News. 
So  will  Conclude —     I  am  Sr 
with  Respect  Yr  friend  &  S't, 

ROBERT  LATIMER. 
P.  S. 

My  Mammy  &  Aunt 

Present  Compts  &c— 
Capt.  Hale 

To 
Cap* 

Nathan  Hale 

Att 

Roxbury — 
(Endorsement) 

R.  Latimer 

March  5th  1776 

"This  endorsement  is  in  the  hand  writing  of  the 
celebrated  Capt  Nathan  Hale—"1 

[Original   in  possession  of  George  Dudley  Seymour,  Esq.,  New 
Haven,   Conn.     Now  first  printed.] 


DAVID  MUMFORD,  JR.,  TO  HALE  AT  CAMP 

To  Capt  Nathan  Hale  Philada  Nvemr  26  1775 

Sir 

Inclosed  you  have  the  Bill  of  the  Breaches  you  desir'd  me  to 
get  you  when  I  was  at  Winter  Hill,  the  B[r] caches  I  sent  to  my 
Fathers  &  I  suppose  he  has  forward'd  befor  this — 

1  The  above  note  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Dr.  Sprague,  the  well- 
known  collector  of  autographs  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century. 


APPENDIX  231 

Nothing  new  transpiring  only  the  Congress  have  fitted  out  a 
Ship  of  30  guns  which  will  be  along  your  Coast  'er  long — 
Conclude  with  giving  my  love  to  all  Friends  &  Interim 
Remain  Your  Hble  Servant 

DAVID  MUMFORD  JUNR 

P.  S.     Please  write  p  every  Opportunity  that  I  may  know  what 
is  going  forward — 


GILBERT  SALTONSTALL  TO  HALE  AT  CAMP 

[NEW  LONDON,  Oct.  2d  1775] 
Esteemed  Friend, 

Yours  of  28th  duly  Recd  am  obliged  for  the  Information 
therein,  hope  you  will  continue  to  inform  me  of  anything  new 
that  turns  up,  for  you  know  Hempsted  retains  nothing — 

By  a  Rhode  Island  Packet  wh  arriv'd  here  from  N.  York  wh 
Flour  for  the  Camp  we  learn,  yt  General  Schuyler  had  attack  S* 
Johns  and  carried  the  outworks,  that  Guy  Johnson  was  kill'd  in 
the  Engagem*.  We  every  Hour  expect  to  hear  they  are  in  pos 
session  of  Si  John,  wh  Charlton  &c. 

I  enclose  you  a  New  York  Paper  by  wh  you'll  see  how  matters 
go  on  to  the  Northward. 

If  you  can  handily,  should  be  oblig'd  if  you  would  send  me  the 
Rank  of  the  Regimts  in  the  Continental  Army ;  I  hear  it  is  settled, 
and  handed  about  in  Printed  Handbills — 

I  went  to  Lyme  last  Week  to  se[e]  David  &c  the  Girls  ex- 
press'd  a  regard  for  you  which  I  thought  but  a  few  removes  from 
love. 

My  Compliments  to  Ensign  Nevins  and  any  other  old  Friend 
of  mine  you  shou'd  chance  to  stumble  upon  As  to  Home  News  we 
are  quite  barren — We  are  extremely  dull — Sunday  reigns  thro' 
the  week — I  am  with  Sincerity 

Your  Friend  &c 

GILBERT  SALTONSTALL 
Lieut:  Nathan  Hale 

Roxbury 


232  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDN  Oct.0  9th  1775 
Dear  Sir 

By  yours  of  the  5th  I  see  your're  Stationd  in  the  Mouth  of 
Danger — I  look  upon  yr  Situation  more  Perilous  than  any  other 
in  the  Camp — Should  have  tho't  the  new  Recreuits  would  have 
been  Posted  at  some  of  the  Outworks,  &  those  that  have  been 
inured  to  Service  advanc'd  to  Defend  the  most  exposed  Places — 
But  all  Things  are  concerted,  and  ordered  wth  Wisdom  no  doubt — 
The  Affair  of  Dr  Church  is  truly  amazing,  from  the  acquaintance 
I  have  of  his  publick  Character  I  should  as  soon  have  suspected 
Mr  Hancock  or  Adams  as  him. 

Last  Saturday  a  ship  of  200  tun  run  aground  off  Stonington 
loaded  wh  Wheat,  its  the  Ship  that  some  time  ago  purposely  fell 
into  the  Hands  of  Wallace  at  Rhode  Island  wh  a  load  of  Flower, 
she  is  owned  by  Christ0  Champlin  of  Newport,  when  the  Fishing 
Boats  hail'd  them  they  gave  no  reply,  and  soon  after  run  on  the 
Shoals  as  above,  the  Corns1"  of  Stonington  went  to  unloading  her 
immediately,  &  sent  off  per  Cap1  Niles  who  lay  in  this  Harbour  to 
come  round  to  Stonington  to  protect  her  aganist  any  small  Tender 
that  shoud  happen  that  way,  he  up  Anchor  and  went  round  forth 
with;  the  Ship  is  now  in  this  Harbour  (came  in  this  morn.)  her 
Cargo  is  principally  taken  out  in  lighters  and  sent  to  Norwich, 
where  She  will  follow  as  soon  as  the  Wind  permits,  for  she  can't 
beat  up,  having  lost  her  Masts  in  the  Gale  of  10th  Septr. 

[Here  follow  extracts  from  a  paper  of  October  7,  which  "young 
Doc*  Mumford"  had  just  brought  from  New  York.  They  refer 
to  army  matters  on  the  Canada  line.] 

I  have  extracted  all  the  material  News  should  have  sent  the 
Paper  but  it's  the  only  one  in  Town  and  every  one  is  Gaping 
for  News. 

You'll  excuse  the  writing,  as  I  am  in  a  great  hurry  I  scratch 
away  as  fast  as  I  can — [Newspaper  again  mentioned.] 

Majr  Mifflen  pass'd  thro'  this  Town  Saturday  last  on  his  way 
to  the  Congress. 

Your  Sincere  Friend 

GILBERT  SALTONSTALL 


APPENDIX  233 

SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON  Oct°  16th  1775 
Dear  Sir 

Inclose  you  the  New  York  Paper — We  have  no  Publick  News — 
Nor   private   neither,   save   that   yesterday   the  Parson   declared, 
Marriage  was  intended  between  Thomas  Poole  and  Elizth  Adams 
You  must  not  charge  the  shortness  of  my  Letter  to  a  disinclina 
tion  of  writing,   but   to   the   Real   Cause,   the   Barreness  of   the 

Times 

I  am  with  Esteem  your  Sincere 

Friend 

GILBERT  SALTONSTALL 
To  Lieu1  Nathan  Hale 
Winter  Hill 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON  Oct°  23d  1775 
Dear  Sir 

I  give  you  a  Copy  of  a  Paragraph  in  Th°  Mumfords  letter  to 
my  Father  "We  have  intelligence  from  S1  Johns  as  late  as  the  7th 
Ins1  our  Troops  were  recruited  much,  were  in  good  Spirits,  Bom 
barding  the  Fort;  a  Nagotiation  was  on  foot  between  the  Besieg 
ing  and  Besieged.  Col°  Allen  was  wounded  and  taken  Prisoner 
near  M1  Real,  &  20  of  his  Party  out  of  Eighty  missing." 

The  Assembly  have  agreed  upon  an  Association  for  every  Man 
in  the  Colony  to  Sign,  or  have  his  name  return'd  to  the  next 
Assembly. 

They  have  Ordered  the  Company  under  Fathers  Command  to 
be  enlisted  again  and  to  continue  'till  the  first  of  December — have 
Ordered  the  Battery  Finish'd  and  the  Guns  bro't  in — And  Em- 
power'd  him  to  draw  upon  the  Treasurer  for  £100  to  Compleat 
the  Platform  &c 

The  follow^  is  a  list  of  the  Nominations  for  Councillors  Oct° 
1775,  Reported  by  the  Comtee  as  duly  Returned. 


234 


NATHAN  HALE,  1776 


Honble  Jonath"  Trumbull  4144 

Mathw  Griswold  4325 

Jabz  Hamlin  3098 

Elisha  Sheldon  2778 

Eliph*  Dyer  3658 

Jabz  Huntington  3638 

Willa  Pitkin  4180 

Roger  Sherman  3772 

Abram  Davenport  3395 

Wm  S.  Johnson  991 


Joseph  Spencer  3692 

Oliver  Wolcott  3614 

Sam1  Huntington  3887 

Erastus  Wolcott  2153 

Sam1  H.  Parsons  2129 

Will™  Williams  2875 

Richd  Law  2926 

Dan1  Sherman  1853 

Silas  Deane  1403 

Titus  Hosmer  1061 


The  Assby  have  Order'd  a  Tun  of  Powder  for  the  N.  Londn 
Battery — Nothing  further  of  Publick  Import — Sheriff  Christo 
phers  is  at  the  Point  of  Death.  This  will  be  handed  you  by  D. 
Mumford  who  is  upon  a  visit  to  the  Camp — Yr  &c 

G.  SALTONSTALL 
Lieut* 
N.  Hale 


SAME  TO  SAME 
Esteemed  Friend 

Your  various  letters  duly  Received,  it  was  no  unwillingness  in 
me  that  prevented  my  answr  them  in  course — The  honest  Reason 
though  not  a  reputable  one,  I  know  will  excuse  me  to  you,  I'll 
therefore  give  it.  I  defer'd  and  defer'd  to  the  last  mom*  and  then 
something  turn'd  up  tantamount  to  a  sore  Finger  and  in  fact  pre 
vented  me. 

The  Govr  &  Council  of  Safety  gave  orders  last  Week  for  the 
Company  in  this  Town  to  be  continu'd  to  the  sitting  of  the  next 
Assembly,  or  'till  further  Orders  from  Sd  Council — They  ap 
pointed  a  Comte  to  set  about  erecting  Fortifications  at  Win- 
throp's  Neck,  Groton  Hill,  &  Shaws  Neck.  The  above  Company 
to  be  improvd  in  raising  the  Works  &c — the  Comte  are  "Co10  G.  S. 
Ebenezr  Ledyard  Esqr  Mr  Park  Avery,  Mr.  Jn°  Deshon  Mr 
Nath1  Shaw  Jr  and  Mr  Josiah  Waterous."  The  last  the  Council 
seem  to  rely  on  as  an  Engineer  but  as  Sam1  Whittemore  say'd,  I 
Quere  &c  for  he  says  that  Fifty  Men  will  raise  a  proper  Fortifica- 


APPENDIX  235 

tion  at  either  of  Sd  Places  in  three  Weeks  from  this;  which  you 
know  is  impracticable  at  this  advanced  Season  of  the  year. 

Commodore  Hopkins  has  gone  to  Phila  to  take  charge  of  the 
Fleet,  the  Report  is  that  Govrs  Dunmore  and  Martin  are  to  be 
convoy'd  by  him  to  Phila — Success  attend  him. 

Doctr  Church  is  in  close  Custody  in  Norwich  Goal,  the  Win 
dows  boarded  up,  and  he  deny'd  the  use  of  Pen,  Ink,  and  Paper, 
to  have  no  converse  with  any  Person  but  in  presence  of  the  Goaler, 
and  then  to  Converse  in  no  Language  but  English.  Good  God 
what  a  fall — 

You  saw  in  the  Paper  the  Address  to  the  King  from  the  Merchts 
&c  of  Manchester — Notwithstanding  their  pretending  their  Re 
sources  are  many,  and  so  large  that  the  American  Nonimportation 
&  exportation  will  be  like  the  light  dust  of  the  Ballance,  yet  to 
every  one  who  will  turn  it  in  his  Thoughts,  it's  utterly  impossible 
but  that  ye  prodigeous  Consumption  of  British  Wares  &  Merchan 
dize  from  Georgia  to  Nova  Scotia,  encludirig  Canady,  the  Reduc 
tion  of  wh  I  consider  as  already  completed  must  affect  them  sensi 
bly,  and  they  must  recognize  the  consequence  of  America — 

I  wish  New  York  was  either  ras'd  to  the  Foundation,  or  strongly 
garison'd  by  the  American  Forces;  I  greatly  fear  the  Virtue  of 
the  Yorkers  whose  Religion  is  Trade,  &  whose  God  is  Gain. 

When  the  Army  is  new  modled  send  me  a  List  of  the  Ar- 
rangem*  Are  any  of  the  Connecticut  Companys  to  be  disbanded? 
the  Majors  &c  what  are  to  become  of  them? 

My  Compliments  to  S.  Webb,  and  Hull  and  other  Friends — 
Hempsted  will  wait  no  longer — Good  b'y'e  write  me  all  the  News 
you  Can  muster 

yr&c 
Novr  27th  1775 

GILBERT  SALTONSTALL 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON  Decr  4th  1775. 
Dear  Sir 

Hempsted  tells  me  he  did  not  see  you  the  last  Week,  but  by 
Sergeant  Hurlbut  who  got  home  yesterday  forenoon  I  learn  you 


236  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

are  well,  &  conclude  that  Business  of  importance  took  up  your 
time. 

The  behaviour  of  our  Connectic*  Troops  makes  me  Heart  sick — 
that  they  who  have  stood  foremost  in  the  praises  and  good  Wishes 
of  their  Countrymen,  as  having  distinguished  themselves  for  their 
Zeal  &  Publick  Spirit,  should  now  shamefully  desert  the  Cause; 
and  at  a  critical  Moment  too,  is  really  unaccountable — amazing. 
Those  that  do  return  will  meet  with  real  Contempt,  with  deserv'd 
Reproach — It  gives  great  satisfaction  that  the  Officers  universally 
agree  to  tary — that  is  the  Report,  is  it  true  or  not?  May  that 
God  who  has  signally  appear'd  for  us  since  the  Commencement 
of  our  troubles,  interpose,  that  no  fatal,  or  bad  Consequence  may 
attend  a  dastardly  Desertion  of  his  Cause — 1 

I  want  much  to  have  a  more  minute  Ace1  of  the  Situation  of 
the  Camp  than  I  have  been  able  to  obtain,  I  rely  wholly  on  you  for 
information — 

Sally  was  Married  last  Night  Doctr  Coits  wife  is  very  ill — 
dangerous. 

We  have  nothing  of  importance  in  Town  in  the  military  way 
to  acquaint  you  of,  expect  the  ships  that  are  at  New  Port  along 
this  way,  whenever  the  Maggot  takes  them,  My  Compliment  to 
Hull  &c— 

Your        G.  SALTONSTALL 


SAME  TO  SAME 

NEW  LONDON  Decr  18th  1775 
Dr  Sir 

Yours  of  the  13th  Ins*  duly  recd  for  which  am  greatly  obliged. 
The  Post  was  not  in  fault  for  not  handing  you  a  letter  from  me 
last  Week,  he  could  not  deliver  what  he  never  was  possess'd  of. — 

1  There  are  several  references  in  these  letters  to  the  conduct  of  some 
of  the  Connecticut  soldiers  in  November  and  December,  1775.  It  appears 
that  they  complained  of  poor  food,  unkept  promises,  and  a  detention  in 
camp  beyond  their  term  of  enlistment.  They  went  home  on  their  own 
account,  and  were  ridiculed,  hooted  at  and  branded  as  deserters.  Most 
of  them,  however,  returned,  and  the  Connecticut  regiments  were  as  large 
as  any  in  the  new  army. 


APPENDIX  237 

last  Post  Day  I  was  at  Wethersfield  wh  occasioned  yr  having  no 
letter  from  me 

I  wholly  agree  with  you  in  ye  agreables  of  a  Camp  Life,  and 
should  have  try'd  it  in  some  Capacity  or  other  before  now,  could 
my  Father  carry  on  his  Business  without  me.  I  propos'd  going 
with  Dudley,  who  is  appointed  to  Commd  a  Twenty  Gun  Ship  in 
the  Continental  Navy,  but  my  Father  is  not  willing,  and  I  can't 
persuade  myself  to  leave  him  in  the  eve  of  Life  against  his  consent. 

In  speaking  of  Company  you  say  "We  may  have  that  of  our 
equals,  or  more  knowg  and  some  ean  of  less  knowing"  Am  I  to 
apply  the  latter  clause  to  those  (I  would  not  choose  to  name 
them)  who  prefer  Grogg  and  Noise  to  the  calm  Disquisitions  of 
Wisdom  &  Instruct",  or  to  a  certain  Major  who  has  not  a  capa 
city  to  improve?  Tho'  I  have  been  absent  this  week  past,  yet  I 
can  give  you  a  Detail  of  Transactions  in  that  Time 

Yesterday  week  the  Town  was  in  the  greatest  confusion  imag- 
ineable;  Women  wringing  their  Hands  along  Street,  Children 
crying,  Carts  loaded  'till  nothing  more  would  stick  on  posting  out 
of  Town,  empty  ones  driving  in,  one  Person  running  this  way, 
another  that,  some  dull,  some  vex'd,  none  pleas'd,  some  flinging  up 
an  Intrenchment,  some  at  the  Fort  preparing  ye  Guns  for  Action, 
Drums  beating,  Fifes  playing;  in  short  as  great  a  Hubbub  as  at  the 
confusion  of  Tongues;  all  this  occasioned  by  the  appearance  of  a 
Ship  and  two  Sloops  off  the  Harbour,  suppos'd  to  be  part  of  Wal 
laces  Fleet. — When  they  were  found  to  be  (Friends)  Vessels  from 
New  Port  with  Passengers  ye  consternation  abated,  and  all  fell  to 
work  at  the  Intrenchment,  which  runs  from  N.  Douglasses  to 
S.  Bills  Shop,  they  have  been  at  work  eversince  Yesterday  Week 
when  the  Weather  would  permit,  they  work'd  Yesterday  at  Win- 
throps  Neck  and  are  [at]  it  there  today. — In  some  respects  we  are 
similar  to  a  Camp,  for  Sunday  is  no  Day  of  rest  now. — You 
would  hear  the  small  Chaps  (who  mimick  Men  in  everything  they 
can),  cry  out  "Cut  down  the  Tories  Trees"  there  is  not  one  of 
Cap1  Jo:  Coits  Willows  remaining  in  his  Lot  back  of  his  House, 
they  are  appropriated  to  a  better  use  than  he  would  ever  have 
put  them  to — The  Breastwork  is  much  the  better  for  them. 

I  might  inform  you  of  many  little  bickerings  that  occur  daily, 
but  as  those  who  raise  them  are  of  no  importance,  and  the  Evils 


238  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

(if  any)  are  only  local,  it  is  not  worth  while  to  repeat  them:  Be 
sides,  you  know  ye  Genius  of  the  Town  is  a  restless  discontented 
Spirit. 

When  I  have  observ'd  the  Malice  and  Envy  which  rages  to  a 
Flame  in  so  many  Breasts,  the  Slander,  the  illeberal  &  ungenerous 
Reflections  which  serve  as  Fuel  to  those  Hellish  Vices,  I  lament 
the  Depravity  of  the  Human  Heart,  and  fall  little  short  of  a 
Misanthropist:  But  when  I  come  across  a  Person  of  Candour, 
Reason,  Justice  and  Sincerity  with  their  attendant  Virtues  (I'd 
almost  said  a  Person  of  either  of  those  Endowments.)  I  feel  a 
generous  glow  within  me  despise  the  base  light  in  wh  I  view'd 
Human  Nature,  &  become  reconcil'd  to  my  species. 

I  have  frequently  desir'd  you  would  send  me  an  arrangement  of 
the  Continent1  Army,  but  as  you  have  omitted  it,  conclude  it  is 
not  yet  compleated. 

What  Brigadier  has  quitted  ye  Service,  I  learn  there  is  a 
Vacancy  ? 

The  Soldiers  can  give  no  other  Reason  for  not  Enlisting,  than 
the  old  woman's,  they  wou'd  not,  cause  thefy]  wou'd  not. 

My  Compliments  to  Cap1  Hull,  am  very  sorry  to  hear  of  his 
Illness,  hope  this  will  find  him  recruited. 

I  am  with  Sincerity 
Your  Friend 
GILBERT  SALTONSTALL 
P.  S.  the  young  Girls,  B.  Coit 
S.  &  P.  Belden  have  frequently  desir'd 
their  complimts  to  Master,  but  I've 
never  thought  of  mentioning  it  till 
now — You  must  write  someths  in  your 
next  by  way  of  P.  S.  that  I  may  show  it 
them. 

Cap1  N.  Hale 


SAME  TO  SAME 

[NEW  LONDON,  March  18,  1776] 

[A  Saltonstall  letter  of  this  date  was  sold  at  auction  at  Phila 
delphia,  April  15,  1913.1 


APPENDIX  239 

CHURCH  &  HALLAM,  OF  NEW  LONDON,  TO  HALE 
Sir 

Mr  Shaw  has  promisd  us  to  pay  some  money  in  New  York, 
which  if  you  receive  in  whole  or  in  part  Apply  in  the  following 
manner,  viz.  pay  Mr  David  Seabury  mercht.  £50.  Lawfull  money, 
to  Messr  Van  Vleck  &  Kip,  £  37  -  10  in  lawful  which  is  £50 
York  The  Ball6  £62  .  .  10  -  -  pay  to  Elias  Desbrosses  Esqr 
mercht,  if  you  do  not  receive  but  £100  Lawfull  in  stead  of  £150. 
omit  paying  to  Van  Vleck  &  Kip  any  Thing,  if  you  will  call  on  Mr 
Shaw  and  transact  the  Business  for  us  you  will  do  us  a  kindness, 
pleas  to  take  Rects  of  those  you  pay  to,  on  our  Account  &  send 
them  us  pr  the  first  Opportunity  pr  post — which  will  much 

oblige  c.  ,        ,,    0 

Sir  your  hurnbl6  Serv* 

CHURCH  &  HALLAM 
Cap1  Nathn  Hale 

New  London  26th  March  1776— 


LIEUTENANT  JOHN  BELCHER  TO  HALE 

c.  STONINGTON,  July  27th  1775. 

bir, 

These  may  inform  you  that  since  I  saw  you,  Ensign  Hillard 
and  myself  have  enlisted  Twenty  two  Men,  and  as  my  cash  is 
pretty  much  exhausted,  should  be  glad  of  a  Supply  as  soon  as  pos 
sible,  and  should  be  glad  you  would  inform  me  by  a  Line  what 
progress  you  have  made  in  the  Enlisting  Way,  and  when  I  must 
stop  my  hand,  and  should  be  glad  if  our  Company  is  not  near 
compleated,  you  would  send  me  over  some  more  Blanks,  as  I 
expect  next  Monday,  to  make  my  Number,  30,  at  least,  and  I 
understand  we  are  to  march  next  week,  and  the  greatest  part 
of  the  Men  I  have  enlisted  are  destitute  of  Guns,  suitable  to 
carry,  which  we  ought  to  make  timely  provision  for.  These  from 

your  humble  serv* 

JOHN  BELCHER — . . 

Addressed:  "To 

Lieu.  Nathaniel  Hale  |  New  London." 

[Original  in  possession,  1901,  of  the  late  Mr.  W.  F.  Havemeyer, 
New  York.] 


240  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 


HALE'S  ARMY  DIARY,  1775-76 

[The  original  diary  is  in  possession  of  the  Connecticut  Historical 
Society,  Hartford.  Stuart  includes  it  in  his  work,  but  it  is  reprinted  here 
as  corrected  from  the  MSS.  A  leaf  or  two  may  be  missing  at  the  begin 
ning,  as  the  first  entry  shows  that  he  had  been  on  the  march  two  or 
three  days — Waterman's,  where  he  stopped  September  23,  1775,  being 
near  the  Rhode  Island  line.  Owing  to  the  font  of  type  in  use,  the  periods 
and  commas  under  the  small  superior  letters,  Col°,  etc.,  have  been 
omitted.] 

[Sept.  23d,  1775] 

Cannon  40  or  50  heard  from  the  last  stage  to  the  present 
march'd  3^2  O'C1  arrd  Watermans  (a  private  house  and  entertain 
ment  good)  after  a  stop  or  two  6^2  O'C1  6  m  [6  miles] — tarryed 
alnight 

24th  Mchd  6  O'C1  &  at  8  OC1  reach'd  Olneys  4  m.  10  O'C1- 
mchd  from  Olneys  2  miles  &  reach'd  Providence  but  made  no 
stop.  Having  march'd  thro  the  town  with  music,  &  mde  a  sht 
stp  at  the  hither  part,  in  the  road,  came  4  miles  further  to  Slack's 
in  Rehobo[th]  where  we  dined.  4  O'CL  mchd  from  Slack's  6  m 
and  reachd  Daggetts  in  Attleborough  &  put  up,  depositing  our 
arms  in  the  mttg  House — Soon  after  our  arrival  join'd  by  the 
Majr  who  set  out  from  home  the  nt  bef — * 

25th  March'd  soon  after  sunrise — &  came  very  fast  to  Dupee 
in  Wrentham  9  m  to  Breakfast.  arvd  9  O'C1.  11  set  off  &  \y2 
P  M  arvd  Hidden  Walpole  &  there  din'd  and  tarried  till  4^ 
O'C1  then  march'd  to  Dedham — 7  m  and  put  up. 

Tuesday  26th  mch'd  5  m  before  Breakfast  to — 

For  Dinner  went  4^  m  to  Parkers — which  is  within  a  mile 
&  a  half  from  Camp 

At  our  arrival  in  Camp  found  that  200  men  had  been  draughted 

1  Among  Hale's  cash  items,  September  24,  1775,  is  the  receipt  by 
Eliphalet  Slack,  at  Rehoboth,  from  "Nathan  Hale  Lieut,  of  Majr  Lari 
mer's  Company  five  shillings  and  ten  pence  lawful  money  for  the  use 
of  my  house  &  other  trouble  by  sd.  Company." 


APPENDIX  241 

out  that  morning  for  a  fishing  party — Pitched  our  tents  for  the 
present  in  Roxby  a  little  before  sunset — 1 

Wednesday  27th  Went  to  some  of  our  lower  works — 
12   or    15   of  ye   fishing  party   return   &   bring   11    Cattle   &  2 
horses — 

Thursday  28  Fishing  party  return'd 

Friday  29th  mchd  for  Cambridge,  arv'd  3  O'C1  &  encamped  on 
the  foot  of  Winter  hill  near  General  Sully  vans  3  comies  [com 
panies]  Majrs  O  [Captain]  Shipmans,  Bostw[ick] 

Sat.  30th  Considerable  firing  upon  Roxbury  side  in  the  fore 
noon  &  some  P.  M.  No  dam^6  done  as  we  hear.  Join'd  this 
day  by  Cpts  Perrit  &  Levnwth  [Leavenworth]  about  4  O'C1- — 

Octo.  6th  1775  Near  100  Can5  fired  at  Roxbury  from  the 
Enemy.  Shot  off  a  man's  arm  &  kill'd  one  cow — 

7th  Some  firing  from  Boston  neck,     nil  mat. 

8  Sab. 

A.  M.  rainy  no  meets  Mr  Bird  pr.  [preached]  Watertown. 
P.  M.  went  to  meets  on  the  hill  Mr  Smith  pr 

9  Mon. 

Morns   Clear  &  pleast  but  cold.   exersd   men   5   O'C1-    1    h — 

Tuesday  10th 

Went  to  Roxbury,  dined  with  Doctr  Wolcott  at  General  Spen 
cer's  Lodges  P.  M.  rode  down  to  Dorchester,  wfth  a  view  to  go 
on  upon  the  point;  but  Col1  Fellows  told  us  he  could  give  us  no 
leave  as  we  had  been  informed  in  town.  Returnd  to  Camp  6  O'C1- 

Wed.  11th 

Bror  Joseph  here  in  the  morning — went  to  Cam^6  12  O'CL 
sent  a  letter  to  Bror  Enoch  by  Sam1  Turner  Inform'd  by  JoPh 

1  At  Wrentham,  Hale  paid  6  shillings  for  the  use  of  Mr.  Charles 
Dupee's  house;  at  Walpole,  5  shillings  to  Jonathan  Hide  [?];  at  Attle- 
borough,  6  shillings  to  Thomas  Daggett  for  house  and  firewood;  at 
Roxbury,  26th,  paid  Ebenr  Whiting  Junr  12  shillings  for  use  of  house 
and  dinner  for  the  Company. 


NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

that  he  was  to  be  examin'd  to  day  for  p1".1  Saw  Royal  Flynt.  prd 
to  write  him.  Recd  a  letter  from  Gil.  Salt1  &  wh  infd  ye  Schooner 
by  S*  Johns  taken,  all  ye  men  klld  &  y*  8000  bushls  wheat  had  bn 
taken  &  carried  to  Norwich  fm  Chris  [topher]  Champlin's  ship 
run  agrd  at  Ston*tn 

Recd  letter  9th  from  Gil.  Salt1 

Do  9th  fm  John  Hallam 

8th  E  Hale 

A  heavy  thunr  shwr  in  ye  evens 

Thurs.  12 

Wrote  6  letters  to  N.  L.  saw  C1  [Colonel]  Sage.  infmd  Mon 
treal  held  by  Montgomery  St.  Johns  offd  to  Capitulate  but  refus 
ing  to  Deliver  Guns  Johns11  ['s]  terms  were  refused:  but  must 
soon  surrender — 

P.  M.  went  into  Cambridge.  Took  the  Cambge  Paper  pd  3 
Coppers. 

Friday  13 

Infmd  by  L'  Col1  [Hall]  that  Col1  Webb  last  night  gave  orders 
that  Field  Officers  Lieutenants  should  ware  yellow  Ribbons — put 
in  one  accordingly.  wlkd  to  Misk  [Mystick]  for  Clothes.  In- 
form'd  p[er]  Dr  Roseter,  Wallace  trim'd  by  Capt.  Hall,  false 

Sat.  14th 

Mounted  picket  guard.  Govr  Griswold  at  ploughd  hill  rumours 
of  25,000  troops  from  England. 

Sab.  15th 

Mr  Bird  pr.     P.  M.  after  meeting  walk'd  to  Mistick. 

Tuesday  17th 

A  Sergt  Major  deserted  to  the  Regulars. 
Wed.  18th 

A  Private  deserted  to  the  enemy  last  night. — a  cannon  split  in 
our  floatg  battery  when  firg  upon  B.  [Boston]  Common  1  of  our 

1  This  "pr"  must  mean  preaching.  In  other  words,  Joseph  had 
informed  Nathan  that  this  was  the  day  set  for  Enoch  to  pass  the  usual 
candidate's  examination  for  license  to  preach. 


APPENDIX  243 

men  kill'd  another  said  to  be  mortally  wounded.  6  or  7  more 
wounded — Recd  Letters 

G.  Saltonstall  16th 

J.  Hallam  14th 

E.  Hallam  15th 

E.  Adams  16th 

In  Mr  Salt11  Letter  recd  News  of  the  publishment  of  Thomas 
Poole  &  Betsy  Adams,  on  th  15th 

Thursday  19th 

Wrote  4  letters  To  Messrs  G.  Salt1  &  John  Hallam  &  to 
Misses  Betsies  Adams  &  Hallam — 3  people  inhabitants  of  Bos 
ton  sd  to  have  escaped  on  Roxy  side  last  night.  Several  guns  were 
fired  at  them  which  were  heard  here  at  Winter  hill.  This 
morning  one  of  our  horses  wandd  down  near  the  enemy's  lines, 
but  they  durst  not  venture  out  to  take  him  on  account  of  Rifle 
[men]  placed  at  ye  old  Chimy  ready  to  fire  upon  them.  A  sick 
man  at  Temples  found  to  have  the  small  pox — 

Friday  20th 

Wet  &  rainy.  News  from  Roxbury  yi  9  persons,  5  of  them 
inhabitants,  &  4  of  them  Sailors  made  their  escape  last  night 
from  Boston  to  Dorchester  Point,  Who  bring  accounts  y*  10,000 
Hanoverians  &  5,000  Scotch  &  Irish  Troops  are  hourly  expected  in 
Boston.  P[er]  Cp4  Perrit  retd  sunset  from  Connecticut  News 
y*  Col.  Josh  Trumbull  Commy  Gen1  was  at  the  pfc  of  Death. 

Sat  21st 

Constant  rain  &  for  ye  most  part  hard  for  ye  whole  day.  A 
letter  communicated  to  the  ofrrs  of  ye  Reg*  fm  G.  Washingtn 
to  Col.  Webb  with  orders  to  see  what  Offrs  &  men  will  extend 
ye  term  of  thr  service  fm  6th  Decemr  to  1st  Jany — Col.  Webb 
issu'd  ordrs  for  removing  a  man  who  was  yesterday  descover'd  to 
have  ye  small  pox  from  Temples  h[ouse]  to  ye  hospital,  but  the 
Ofrs  remonstratg  suspended  his  orders. — Sun  set  clear. — 

Sab.  22d 

Mounted  picquet  Guard,  had  charge  of  the  advance  Pequet. 
Nil  mem.  Mistick  Commy  refus'd  to  delr  provsns  to  Compies 
which  had  had  nothing  for  ye  day.  on  which  Cpt.  Tuttle  &  60 


244-  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

or  70  men  went,  &  as  it  hapnd  terror  instead  of  force  obtain'd  the 
provisions.  On  Pequet  heard  Regrs  at  work  with  pick  axes.  One 
of  our  Gentries  heard  their  G.  Rounds  give  the  Countersign  which 
was  Hamilton.  Left  P.  guard  and  retd  to  Cp.  at  sunrise  on  the 

23d  Mon— 

10  O'O  went  to  Cambridge  wth  Fid  Comfn  officers  to  Gen1 
Putnam,  to  let  him  know  the  state  of  the  Reg1  &  y*  it  was  thro 
ill  usage  upon  the  Score  of  Provisions  y*  thy  wld  not  extend  thr 
term  of  service  to  the  1st  of  Jan^  1776. — 

Din'd  at  Browns  drk  1  bottle  wine  walk'd  about  street,  call'd 
at  Josh.  Woodbridges  on  my  way  &  retd  home  abt.  6.  O'C1 — recd 
confirmation  of  day  before  yesterdays  report  yl  Cpt.  Coit  mde  an 
Admiral— Recd  Let.  Ed  Hallam  15th  [?] 

24th  Tuesday 

Some  rain.  W1  to  Mistick  with  Clothes,  to  be  washed  (viz 
4  Shirts  D°  Necks  5  pair  Stockings.  1  Napkin  1  Table  Cloth  1 
Pillow  Case  2  Linen  &  1  Silk  Handkerchiefs)  P.  M.  Got  Brick 
&  Clay  for  Chimney.  Winter  Hill  came  down  to  wrestle  wh 
view  to  find  our  best  for  a  wrestling  match  to  which  this  hill  was 
stumped  by  Prospect,  to  be  decided  on  Thursday  insu^  Evening 
prayers  omitted  for  Wrestling 

25  Wednesday — no  letters 

26  Thursday 

grand  Wrestle  on  Prospect  Hill  no  wager  laid 

Friday  27th 

Messrs  John  Hallam  &  David  Mumford.  arvd 

Sat  28th 

Somewhat  rainy. 

Sab.  29 

Went  to  meeting  in  the  barn — one  exercise.  After  meeting 
walk'd  with  Cpt  Hull  &  Mr  Hallam  to  Mistic. 

Sat  28th    At  night  Serg*  of  the  enemy's  guard  deserted  to  us. 

Monday  30th 

Some  dispute  with  the  Subalterns,  about  Cpt  Hull  &  me  acting 
as  Captains.  The  Col.  [&]  Lieut  Col.  full  in  it  that  we  ought 


APPENDIX  245 

to  act  in  that  Capacity.  Brigade  Majr  &  Gen1  Lee  of  the  same 
opinion.  Presented  a  petition  to  Gen1  Washington,  for  Cpt  Hull 
&  myself  requesting  the  pay  of  Cpts.  refus'd.  Mr  Gurley  Here 
at  Dinr  P.  M.  Went  into  Cambridg  with  Mr  Mumford. 

Tuesday  31 

Wrote  letter  to  Father  &  Brothers  John  &  Enoch.  P.  M. 
Went  to  Cambridge,  dr.  wine  &c  at  Gen1  Putnams. 

Wednesday  Novem.  1st 

Mounted  Pequet  guard,  nil  mem — 

Rec'd  3  Letters  frm  S.  Belden  G.  Salt.  &  Betsy  Hallam.  The 
1st  infmd  he  had  no  Scarlet  Coating  &c  also  reminded  me  of 
20s/  due  to  him  by  way  of  change  of  a  40s/  Bill  reed  for  School 
ing  (forgot)  2d  infmd  that  (as  p  Philadelphia  paper)  Payton 
Randolph  died  of  an  Apoplexy  22d  ult.  3d  infd  Sheriff  Christo 
pher  [of  New  London]  is  dead. 

Wed,  1st 

Came  off  from  Pequet  Guard  10  O'C1  11  d°  w*  to  Cm*6  with 
Cpt.  Hull,  dined  at  Gen1  Putnams  wh  Mr  Learned.  Infd  Mr 
Howe  died  at  Hartford  2  months  ago,  not  heard  of  before. 

Col  Parsons  Reg1  under  arms  to  suppress  ye  mutinous  pro 
ceedings  of  Gen  Spencers  Reg1  one  man  hurt  in  ye  neck  by  a 
bayonet,  (done  yesterday).  retd  to  Camp  6  O'C1. — 

Thursday  2d 

Rain  constantly  some  times  hard.  Receiv'd  a  flying  Report 
that  the  Congress  had  declared  independency. 

Friday  3d     Nil  mem — 

Sat.  4th 

Mr  Learned  with  myself  din'd  at  Col.  Halls'.  Deacn  Kings- 
bury 's  son  visited  me.  P.  M.  Cpt  Hull  &  I  wt  to  Prospect  Hill. 

Sunday  5th 

A.  M.  Mr  Learned  pr.  John  13.  19.  excellentissime.  A  little 
after  twelve  a  considerable  number  of  cannon  from  the  Enemy 
in  memory  of  the  day.  Din'd  w1  Cpt.  Hull  at  Gen1  Putnam's 
Reed  news  of  the  taking  of  Fort  Chamble  with  80  odd  Soldiers, 


246  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

about  100  women  &  children,  upwards  of  100  barrels  of  Powder, 
more  than  200  barrels  of  pork,  40  D°  of  flower  2  Mortars  &  some 
cannon.  The  women,  wives  to  Officers  in  S*  Johns,  who  were 
brought  to  Si  Johns  &  there  their  Husbands  permitted  to  come  out 
and  after  spending  some  time  wh  them  return.  Also  News  of 
vessel  taken  by  one  of  our  privateers  fr.  Phia  to  B-n  wth  10j/2 
pipes  of  wine,  another  from  the  West  Indies  with  the  produce  of 
that  Country.  Reed  a  letter  from  bro.  Enoch  Nov.  1st  Coventry 
p[er]  Dan1  Robertson,  who  is  to  make  me  a  visit  to  morrow. 
The  paper  in  which  the  Officers  sent  in  their  names  for  new  com 
missions  return'd  for  more  Subalterns.  Ensn  Pond  &  -  -  put 
down  thr  names.  Those  who  put  down  their  nam[es]  the  first  offer, 
Cols  Webb  &  Hall,  Cpts  Hoyt,  Tuttle,  Shipman,  Boswick,  Perrit 
Levenworth  Hull  &  Hale.  Subs.  Catland,  [Catlin] 

Monday  6th 

Mounted  Pequet  guard  in  ye  place  of  Cpt  Levenworth.  A 
Rifleman  deserted  to  ye  Regulars.  Some  wet.  Day  chiefly  spent 
in  Jabber  &  Chequers.  Cast  an  eye  upon  Young's  Mems  belongs 
to  Col.  Varnum — a  very  good  book.  Comp*  of  ye  bad  condition 
of  ye  lower  Pequet  by  Majr  Cutter,  &c. 

It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  y*  an  Officer  should  be  anxious 
to  know  his  duty,  but  of  greater  that  he  shd  carefully  perform 
what  he  does  know:  The  present  irregular  state  of  the  army 
is  owing  to  a  capital  neglect  in  both  of  these. — 

Tuesday  7th 

Left  Pequet  10  OC1— Infd  Majr  Brooks  apptd  for  this  Reg* 
new  Establishment  wh  occasd  much  uneasiness  among  ye  Cpts. 
Rain  pretty  hard  most  of  the  day.  Spent  most  of  it  in  ye  Majr 
my  own  &  other  tents  in  conversation — (some  chequers)  Studied 
ye  best  [  ?]  method  of  forming  a  Reg*  for  a  review,  manner  of 
arranging  ye  Companies,  also  of  mchg  round  ye  reviewg  Officer. 

A  man  ought  never  to  lose  a  moments  time.  If  he  put  off  a 
thing  fr  one  minute  to  the  next  his  reluctance  is  but  increas'd. — 

Wednesday  8th 

Clean'd  my  gun  — pld  some  football,  &  some  chequers.  Some 
People  came  out  of  Boston  via  Roxby  Reed  N.  of  Cpt.  Coits 


APPENDIX  247 

taking  two  prizes  with  Cattle  poultry  hay,  rum,  wine  &c  &c.  also 
verbal  accounts  of  the  taking  of  S*  Johns. 

Thursday  9th 

1  O'C1  P.  M.  An  alarm.  The  Regulars  landed  at  Leech- 
more's  point  to  take  off  Cattle,  our  works  were  immediately  all 
mann'd  &  a  detachment  sent  to  receive  them,  who  were  oblig'd, 
it  being  high  water,  to  wade  through  water  near  wast  high. 
While  the  Enemy  were  landing,  we  gave  them  a  constant  Can 
nonade  from  Prospect  Hill.  Our  party  having  got  on  to  the 
point,  marched  in  two  Columns,  one  on  each  side  of  ye  hill  with 
a  view  to  surround  ye  enemy  but  upon  the  first  appearance  of 
them,  they  md  their  boats  as  fast  as  Possible.  While  our  men 
were  marching  on  to  ye  pom*  they  were  exposed  to  a  hot  fire 
from  a  ship  in  the  bay  &  a  floating  Battery,  also  after  they  had 
passed  the  Hill.  A  few  Shot  were  fired  from  Bunker's  Hill. 
The  damage  on  our  side  is  the  loss  one  Rifleman  taken  &  3  men 
wounded  one  badly,  &  it  is  thought  10  or  more  cattle  carried 
off.  The  Rifleman  taken  was  drunk  in  a  tent  in  which  he  & 
the  one  who  reed  the  worst  wound  were  placed  to  take  care  of  ye 
Cattle  Horses  &c  &  give  notice  in  case  ye  enemy  should  make 
an  attend  upon  them.  Ye  tent  they  were  in  was  taken.  What 
the  loss  was  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  we  cannot  yet  determine. — 
At  night  met  with  the  Cpts  of  ye  new  establishment  at  Gen1 — 
Sullyvans  to  nominate  Subalterns.  Lieut4  Bourbank  of  Col1 
Doolittles  Reg'  mde  my  1st  U  Serg*  Chapman  2d  &  Serg*  Hurlbut 
Ens" 

Friday  10th 

Went  upon  the  hill  to  see  my  new  Lieu*  Bourbank  &  found 
him  to  be  no  great  things.  On  my  return,  found  that  my  Br.  & 
Joseph  Strong  had  been  here  &  enquired  for  me.  immediately 
after  dinner  went  to  Cambr.  to  see  them  but  was  too  late.  Went 
to  head  quarters,  saw  Gen1  Sullyvan,  &  gave  him  a  description  of 
my  new  L*  h  said  h  wd  mk  inquiry  concer'ng  him.  On  my 
return  fd  [found]  the  abv  L*  at  my  tent  agrble  to  my  invitation. 
After  much  round  abt  talk  pursuaded  him  to  go  with  me  to  ye 
Gen1  to  desire  to  [be]  excused  from  the  service.  Ye  Gen1  not 
being  at  hom[e]  deferred  it  'till  anoth  time. 


248  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Saturday  11th 

Some  disputes  about  the  arrangement  of  Subs — but  not  peace 
able  settled 

Sunday  12th 

This  morning  early  a  meeting  of  Cpts — upon  ye  above  matter, 
&  not  ended  untill  near  noon.  No  meetting  A.  M.  P.  M.  Mr 
Bird  pr. 

Monday  13th 

Our  people  began  to  dig  turf  under  Coble  Hill.  Inlistments 
delivered  out.  At  night  a  man  of  our  Reg1  attempted  to  desert 
to  the  Regrs  but  was  taken. 

Tuesday  14th 

Some  uneasiness  about  Subs.  P.  M.  went  to  Cambr.  nil-mem. 
Gen1  Orders  of  to  day  contain'd  an  account  of  the  reduction  of 
St.  Johns.  Digg  Sods  under  Coble  Hill  Continued. 

["Directions  for  the  Guards"  copied  in  here  by  Hale.] 

Wednesday  15th 

Mounted  Main  Guard.  Heard  read  the  articles  of  Surrend  of 
S1  Johns.  Likewise  an  account  of  the  repulse  of  our  piratical 
enimies  at  Hampton  in  Virginia,  with  the  loss  of  a  number  of 
men  (in  a  handbill).  Three  deserters  made  their  escape  from 
Boston  to  Roxby  last  night.  Two  prisoners  were  taken  this 
afternoon  in  the  orchard  below  Plough'd  Hill  who  with  some 
others  were  getting  apples.  They  bring  accounts  that  it  was 
reported  in  Boston  that  our  army  at  S1  Johns  was  intirely  cut 
off.  That  last  week  when  they  attempted  to  take  our  Cattle  at 
Sewels  pint  they  kill'd  50  or  60  of  our  men  wounded  as  many 
more  &  had  not  a  man  either  kill'd  or  wounded  whereas  in  truth 
we  had  only  one  that  was  much  wounded  &  he  is  in  a  way  to 
recover.  Reed  a  letter  from  J.  Hallam: 

Thursday  16th 

Relieved  from  Pequet  8^2  O'C.  confined  James  Brown  of 
Cpt.  Hubbel's  Company  for  leaving  the  guard  which  he  did 
yesterday  towards  night  &  did  not  return  untill  4  O'C  this 
morning  when  he  was  taken  up  by  the  Centinal  at  the  door  of 
Temple's  House  as  it  appeared  he  was  somewhat  disguised  with 


APPENDIX  249 

liquor   ordered    him   confined    &   reported.      [On    margin:    Con1 
Thanksgiving.  P.  reinforced] 

Thursday  16th 

Wrote  two  letters  1  To  J.  Hallm  &  1  to  G.  Salt1.  It  being 
Thanksgiving  in  Connection  The  Cpts  &  officers  in  nomination 
for  the  new  army  had  an  entertainment  at  Ts  House,  provided 
Cpt.  Whitney's  Suttler.  They  were  somewhat  merry  &  inlisted 
some  Soldiers.  I  was  not  present — 

About  10  or  11  O'C1  at  night  orders  came  for  reinforcing  the 
Pequet  with  10  men  from  a  Corny 

Friday  17th 

Reed  an  order  from  Colonel  Hall  for  taking  up  at  the  con 
tinental  Store  4  pr  Breeches  6  D°  Stock*3  5  D°  Shoes,  1  Shirt  1 
buff  Cap  1  pr  India11  Stock*8  5%  yds  of  Coat*—  all  which  I  got 
but  the  Yd  Shirt  Indian  Stock*5  1*4  Coat*  &  Shoes  which  are  to 
come  tomorrow  morng  Cpt.  Hull  wth  some  of  his  Solrs  went  wth 
me  to  Camb*e — Return'd  after  dark.  Stop'd  at  Gen1  Lee's  to 
see  about  Furl8  for  men  enlisted  who  ordered  ye  gen1  orders  for 
the  day  to  be  read  by  which  Furloughs  are  to  be  given  by  Colls 
only  &  not  more  than  50  at  a  time  must  have  them  out  of  a  Reg* 
Gen1  orders  further  contain'd  that  the  Congress  had  seen  fit  to 
raise  the  pay  of  the  officers  from  what  they  were  &  y*  a  Cpt  upon 
the  new  establishment  is  to  receive  26%  Dollars  p  month  a  1 
&  2d  Lieut.  18  Dollars  &  an  Ensn  I3y3  Dollars.  [On  margin: 
Co1  Halls  Ordr  Q  M  G.— Gen1  Orders  Furlows  &c.— Officers 
Wages] 

Saturday  18th 

Obtained  an  order  from  Colo.  Webb  upon  the  Q  M  G.  for 
things  for  the  Soldiers.  Went  for  them  after  noon  returned  a 
little  after  Sunset. —  [On  margin:  Drawing  Q  M  G.] 

Sabbath  Day  19th 

Mr  Bird  pr  one  Service  only  beginning  after  12  O'C1  Text 
Esther  8th  6  For  how  can  I  indure  to  see  the  evil  that  shall  come 
unto  my  people?  or  how  can  I  indure  to  see  the  destruction  of  my 
kindred?  The  discourse  very  good,  the  same  as  preach'd  to  Gen1 
Wooster,  his  Officers  &  Soldiers  at  New  Haven  &  which  was 
again  preach'd  at  Cambridge  a  Sabbath  or  two  ago. — Now  preachd 


250  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

as  a  farewell  discourse.  Robert  Latimer  the  Majrs  Son  went 
to  Roxbury  to  day  on  his  way  home.  The  Majr  who  went  there 
to  day  &  L*  Hurlbut  &  Robert  Latimer  F.  who  went  yesterday 
returned  this  even*  b*  acts  that  the  Asia  Man  of  War  Station'd 
at  N.  York  was  taken  by  a  Schooner  arm'd  with  Spear's  &c  which 
at  first  appeared  to  be  going  out  of  the  Harbour  &  was  br*  too 
by  ye  Asia  &  instead  of  corns  under  her  stern  just  as  she  came  up 
Shot  along  side,  the  men  which  were  before  conceal'd  imme 
diately  sprung  up  with  their  lances  &c  and  went  at  it  with  such 
vigour  that  they  soon  made  themselves  masters  of  the  ship.  The 
kill'd  &  wounded  not  known.  This  account  not  creditted.  Serg* 
Prentis  thought  to  be  dying  about  12  Meridian,  some  better  if 
any  alteratn  this  evening.  [On  margin:  Asia  man  of  war  taken] 

Monday  20th 

Obtain'd  Furlough's  for  5  men  (viz)  Isaac  Hammon  Jabez 
Minard  Christopher  Beebe  John  Holmes  &  William  Hatch,  each 
for  20  Days.  Mounted  mn  Guard,  4  Prisoners,  nil  mem.  on  till 
10  OC1  when  an  alarm  fr  Cambr  &  Prospect  Hill  occasioned  our 
turning  out.  Slept  little  or  none. 

Tuesday  21st 

Reliev'd  by  Cpt  Hoyt.  Sergn*  Prentis  very  low.  Colo,  and 
some  Cpts  went  to  Cambr  to  a  Court  M.  to  Cpt.  Hubbel's  Trial 
adjournd  from  Yesterday  to  day.  eveng  spent  in  conversation. 

Wednesday  22d 

Sergt.  Pentis  died  about  12  O'C1  last  night.  Tryed  to 
obtain  a  furlough  to  go  to  Cape  Ann  and  keep  Thanksgiving,  but 
could  not  succeed.  Being  at  Gen1  Sullyvans,  heard  Gen1  Green 
read  a  letter  from  a  member  of  the  Congress,  expressing  wonder 
at  the  Backwardness  of  the  Ofs  &  Soldiers  to  tarry  the  winter — 
likewise  informing  that  the  men  inlisted  fast  in  Pensylvania  &  ye 
Jersies  for  30  s.  [  ?]  p  month.  Some  hints  dropt  as  if  there  was 
to  be  a  change  of  the  [Leaf  missing.] 

Saturday  25 

Last  night  2  sheep  kill[ed]  belongs  to  the  Enmy — this  morning 
considerable  firing  between  the  Centuries.  A  Rifleman  got  a  Dog 
from  the  Regulars.  Col.  Varnum  offer'd  a  Guinea  for  him,  the 
[price]  that  Gen1  Lee  had  offerd.  10  O'C1  A.  M.  went  to  Cobble 


APPENDIX  251 

Hill  to  view.  Another  brought  to  the  Ferry  way  (two  there 
now).  P.  M.  went  to  Cambr  Retd  Sunset.  This  evening  reed 
Accts  that  Col.  Jedadiah  Huntington's  wife  had  hanged  herself 
at  Dedham.  She  had  been  delirious  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
time  since  he  entered  the  Service,  &  was  to  come  to  Dedham  to  see 
him.  He  met  her  there,  found  her  as  rational  as  ever,  but  within 
an  hour  after  he  left  her,  the  melancholy  tidings  followed  of  her 
having  hanged  herself.  Heard  further  that  200  or  300  poor 
people  had  been  set  on  shore  last  night  by  the  Regulars,  the  place 
not  known,  but  sd  to  be  not  more  than  6  or  8  mile  from  hence. 
Cannon  were  heard  this  forenoon  seeming  to  be  off  in  the  bay 
and  at  some  distance. — Observ'd  in  coming  from  Cambr.  a  num 
ber  of  Gabines  at  Gen1  Lee's,  said  to  be  for  the  purpose  of  fortify 
ing  upon  Leechmore's  point. 

26th  Sunday. 

William  Hatch  of  Major  Latimer's  Co.  died  last  night,  having 
been  confin'd  about  one  week,  he  has  the  whole  time  been  in  [?] 
and  great  part  of  it  out  of  his  Senses.  His  distemper  was  not 
really  known.  He  was  buried  this  afternoon,  few  people  attended 
his  funeral.  Reported  that  the  people  were  set  a  shhore  at  Chelsea, 
&  bring  accts  that  the  Troops  in  Boston  had  orders  to  make  an 
attack  upon  plough'd  hill,  when  we  first  began  our  works  there, 
but  the  Officers  a  number  of  them,  went  to  Gen1  Howe,  & 
offered  to  give  up  their  Commissions  absolutely  refusing  to  come 
out  &  be  butchered  by  the  Americans.  Mounted  Main  Guard 
this  morning.  Snowy.  L*  Chapman  rec'd  Recruiting  ordrs  & 
set  out  home  purposing  to  go  as  far  as  Roxby  today. 

27  Monday. 

Nil  mem.  Evening  went  to  Gen1  Lee's  whom  I  found  very 
much  cast  down,  at  the  discouraging  prospect  of  supplying  the 
army  with  troops. 

28  Tuesday. 

Promis'd  the  men  if  they  would  tarry  another  moth  they 
should  have  my  wages  for  that  time.  Gen1  Sullyvan  Return'd. 
sent  order  to  Fraser  Q  M  to  send  us  some  wood.  Went  to 
Cambr.  could  not  be  serv'd  at  the  store,  return'd,  observ'd  a 


2 $2  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

greater  number  of  Gabines  at  Gen1  Lee's.  Infd  at  Cambr  y1  Gen1 
Putnam's  Reg*  mostly  concluded  to  tarry  another  month.  (This 
a  lie) 

29  Wednesday. 

The  Reg*  drawn  up  before  Gen1  Sullyvan's,  after  he  had  made 
them  a  most  excellent  speech  desired  them  to  Signify  their  minds, 
whether  they  would  tarry  'till  the  1st  of  January,  very  few  fell 
out,  but  some  gave  in  their  names  afterward.  Rec'd  News  of 
the  taking  of  a  vessell  loaded  wth  ordinance  and  Stores 

30.  Thursday. 

Obtain'd  a  furlough  for  Ensn  Hurlbut  for  20  Days.  Sent  no 
letters  to  day  on  account  of  the  hurry  of  business 

1st   [December]    Friday 

W*  to  Cambridge.  A  number  of  men,  about  20  in  the  whole 
confin'd  for  attempting  to  go  home.  Our  Reg1  this  morning,  by 
means  of  General  Lee  universally  consented  to  tarry  untill  the 
Malitia  came  in,  and  by  far  the  greater  part  agreed  to  stay  'till 
the  first  of  Jan. 

2d  Saturday. 

Orders  read  to  the  Reg4  that  no  one  Officer  or  Soldier  should 
go  beyond  Drum  call  from  his  al[ar]m  post.  Went  to  Mistick 
with  Gen1  Sullyvan's  order  on  Mr  Fraser,  for  things  wanted  by 
the  Soldiers  who  are  to  tarry  'till  the  1st  of  January,  but  found 
he  had  none. 

3d  Sunday. 

Wet  weather,  no  pr. — Eve  got  an  order  fro[m]  BG.  Sullyvan 
upon  Colo.  Mifflin  for  the  above  mention'd  Articles,  not  to  be 
had  at  Frasers — 

4.  Monday. 

Went  to  Cambridge  to  draw  the  above  articles,  but  the  order 
was  not  excepted,  reed  News  yi  several  prizes  had  been  taken  by 
our  Privateers,  among  which  was  a  vessell  from  Scotland  balas'd 
with  Coal,  the  rest  of  her  Cargo  dry  goods.  Cpt  Bulkley  &  Mr 
Chamberlain  from  Colchester  with  cheese.  Purchased  107  Ib 
at  6d  p  Ib  for  which  I  gave  an  order  upon  Majr  Latimer. 


APPENDIX  253 

5  Tuesday 

Reed  News  of  the  Death  of  John  Bowers  Gunner  in  Cpt 
Adam's'  Privateer  formerly  of  Majr  Latimer's  Company. 

6th  Wednesday — 

Upon  main  Guard.  Nil  mem.  Reed  some  letters  p[er]  Post. 
Col.  Doolittle  Officer  of  the  Day  infd  that  Co1  Arnold  had  arrd 
at  point  Levi  near  Quebec — 

7.  Thursday. 

Went  to  Cambridge  to  draw  things. 

8  Friday. 

Did  some  writing.  Went  P.  M.,  to  draw  money  for  our 
expenses  on  the  road  from  N.  L.  to  Roxbury,  but  was  dis 
appointed  : 

9  Nil.  Mem.     Saturday 

10th 

Struck  our  tents  and  the  men  chiefly  marched  off.  Some  few 
remaining  came  into  my  room.  At  Night  Charle  Brown  Daniel 
Tolbot  &  Wm  Carver  return'd  from  Privateering,  assisted  Majr 
Latimer  in  making  out  his  pay  Roll,  somewhat  unwell  in  the 
evening. 

11.   Monday 

Finish  the  pay  roll  &  settled  some  accounts  about  12  O'C1  Majr 
Latimer  set  out  home.  1  or  more  Companies  came  in  today 
for  our  relief. 

12  Tuesday 

a  little  unwell  yesterd  and  today  some  better  this  evening. 

13th  Wednesday 

On  Main  Guard.  Rec'd  &  wrote  some  letters.  Read  the 
History  of  Philip. 

14  Thursday. 

Went  to  Cambridge  vessitted  Majr  Brooks,  found  him  unwell 
with  an  ague.  Cpt  Hull  Taken  violently  ill  Yesterday  remains 
very  bad  today,  has  a  high  fever. 

15.     Friday.     Nil.  mem. 


254  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

16.  Sat. 

Our  people  began  the  Covered  way  to  Leechmore's  point. 

17.  Sunday. 

Went  to  Mistic  to  meeting.  Some  firing  on  our  people  at 
Leechmore's  point. 

18.  Monday. 

Went  to  Cambridge  to  draw  things.  The  Reg1  paraded  this 
morning  to  be  formed  into  two  companies  that  the  rest  of  the 
Officers  might  go  home.  Heard  in  Cambridge  that  Cpt.  Manly 
had  taken  another  prize,  with  the  Govr  of  one  of  the  Carolina's 
friendly  to  us,  &  the  Hon.  Matthews  Esqr  Memr  of  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  whom  Govr  Dunmore  had  taken  &  sent  for 
Boston. 

19  Tuesday. 

Went  to  Cobble  Hill.  A  Shell  &  a  Shot  from  Bunker's  Hill, 
the  Shell  braking  in  the  air  one  piece  fell  as  [and]  touched  a 
man's  hat  but  did  no  harm.  Works  upon  Leechmores  point 
continued. 

20  Wed. 

Went  to  Roxbury  for  money  left  for  me  by  Majr  Latimer  with 
Gen1  Spencer,  who  refused  to  let  me  have  it  without  Security. 
Draw'd  some  things  from  the  Store.  L*  Catlin  &  Ensn  Whittlesey 
set  out  home  on  foot. 

21  Thursday. 

Wrote  a  number  of  letters.  Went  to  Cambridge  to  carry  them 
where  I  found  Mr  Hemps [t]ed  had  taken  up  my  money  at  Gen1 
Spencers  and  Given  his  receipt.  I  took  it  of  Hempstead  giving 
my  receipt  the  sum  was  36  £.  12s.  Od.  Court  Martial  held  at  Gen1 
Putnam's  at  which  Commissary  Gen1  Trumbull  was  tryed  for 
defrauding  the  Soldiers  of  their  provisions. — 

22  Friday.     Some  Shot  from  the  Enemy. 

23  Saturday. 

Tryed  to  draw  1  month's  advance  pay  for  my  Company  but 
found  I  could  not  have  it  till  monday  next —  Upon  which  bor 
rowed  76  Dollars  of  Cpt  Levenworth,  giving  him  an  order  on  Col° 
Webb  for  the  same  as  soon  as  my  advance  pay  for  January  should 


APPENDIX  255 

be  drawn.  3^4  O'C1  P.  M.  Set  out  from  Cambridge  on  my  way 
home —  At  Watertown  took  the  wrong  road  and  went  two 
miles  directly  out  of  the  way,  which  had  to  travel  right  back 
again. —  And  after  travelling  about  11  miles  put  up  at  Ham- 
mon's  Newtown  about  7  O'C1  Entertainment  pretty  good. 

24  Sunday 

Left  Hs  6^  O'C1  went  8  miles  to  Straytons  passing  by  Jack 
son's  at  3  miles.  Breakfasted  at  Strayton's.  The  snow  which 
began  before  we  set  out  this  morning  increases  &  becomes  burthen- 
some.  From  Straytons  9  miles  to  Stones  where  we  eat  Biscuit 
and  drank  cyder.  7  miles  to  Jones — din'd — arv'd  3^4  O'C1 — 
From  there  2  m  &  forgot  some  things  &  went  back — then  return'd 
to  to  Dn  Reeds  that  night.  passd  Amadons  &  Keiths  3  m  Good 
houses.  Within  y2  m  of  Dn  Reeds  miss'd  my  road  &  went  2  m 
directly  out  of  my  way  &  right  back  travell'd  in  the  whole  to  day 
41  miles — The  weather  Stormy  &  the  snow  for  the  most  part 
ancle  deep 

25  Monday 

From  Dn  Reeds  8  O'C1  Came  1  or  2  m  and  got  horses — 4  m 
to  Hills  &  breakfasted — ordinary.  8  m  to  Jacobs  &  din'd — dis 
missed  our  horses — 6  O'C1  arvd  Keyes  llm  put  up.  Good  enter 
tainment. 

26th  Tuesday. 

6  O'C1  A.  M.  fr  K.  6m  to  Kindals.  Breakfasted— 10  m  to 
Southwards  din'd.  Settled  accts  wth  L*  Sage  d  [?]  16  dollars  for 
paying  Soldiers  1  month's  advance  pay.  Arvd  home  a  little  after 
sunset.  One  heelstring  lame. 

27th  Wed. 

Heel  lame.  W*  to  Br.  Roses  Aunt  Robn  Rv  Hunton  &  Cpt 
Robsn 

28  Thursday 

Unwell — tarried  at  home. 

29  Friday. 

Went  to  see  G.  C.  Lyman  Call'd  a  Dn  Kingbury's  &  Mr 
Strongs. 


NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

Jan?  1775  [1776] 

24  Wednesday  set  out  from  my  Fathers  for  the  Camp  on  horse 
back  at  iy2  O'C1  at  11  O'C1  arvd  a  Firkin's  by  Ashford  Meeting 
House  where  left  the  horses.1  12^4  O'C1  mchd  3^  arvd  Gros- 
venor's  8  m  &  4^  at  Grosvenor's  Pomfret  2  m.  and  put  up. 
here  met  9  Soldrs  fr  Windham 

25  Thursday 

6^  OC1  mchd  from  G.  and  came  to  Forbs  7m  but  another  Co. 
havs  engaged  breakfast  there  we  were  obliged  to  pass  on  to 
Jacobs,  (fr.  Gros"  10m) — After  Breakfast  went  8  m  to  Hills  & 
drk  some  bad  Cyder  in  a  worse  tavern.  7 —  O'C1  arvd  Deacon 
Reeds.  5  m  Uxbridge  &  y2  Corny  put  up — myself  wth  the  remain 
der  passed  on  to  Woods  2m. 

26  Friday 

7  O'C1  fr.  Woods  4  m  to  Amadons  Mendon  &  breakfasted. 
17  m.  to  Clarkes  Medfield  &  put  up — Co — put  up  5  m  back. 

27  Saturday 

Breakfasted  at  Clarkes  10  O'C1  mchd  about  \\y2  O'C1  arvd 
at  Ellis'  5y2  where  drank  a  glass  of  brandy  &  proceeded  on  5^2 
to  Whitings  arvd.  2  O'Cl  Arvd  at  Parkers  in  Jamaica  Plains  but 
being  refused  entertainment  was  obliged  to  betake  ourselves  to 
the  Punch  boll,  where  leaving  the  men  11  in  N°  went  to  Roxby 
Saw  Gen1  Spencer — who  tho't  it  best  to  leave  the  men  there  as 
the  Regiment  were  expected  there  on  Monday  or  tuesday.  Indians 
at  Gen1  Spencers.  Retd  to  Winterhill. 

28th  Sunday- 
Went  to  Roxby.  to  find  barracks  for  1 1  men  that  came  with  me, 
but  not  finding  good  ones,  retd  to  Temple  House  where  the  men 
were  arvd  before  me — In  the  evening  went  to  pay  a  last  visit  to 
General  Sullyvan,  with  Col°  Webb  &  the  Cpts  of  the  Reg* 

29  Monday — Nil  mem. 

30  Tuesday 

Removed  from  Winter  Hill  to  Roxby 

1How  Hale  spent  part  of  his  time  while  at  home  on  this  furlough  is 
indicated  further  on  p.  81. 


APPENDIX  257 

Feby  4th  1776  Sunday- 

Feb.  14th  1776 

Wednesday 

Last  night  a  party  of  Regulars  made  an  attempt  upon  Dor 
chester,  landing  with  a  very  considerable  body  of  men.  taking 
6  of  our  guard,  dispersing  the  rest  &  burning — two  or  three 
houses — The  Guard  house  was  set  on  fire  but  extinguished. 

July  1776 

23d  Report  in  town  of  the  arv1  of  12  french  S.  of  the  Line  in 
S1  Lawce  River.  Doctr  Wolcott  &  Guy  Richds  Junr  here  frm 
N.  L.  Rec'd  L.  fr  G.  Saltonstall 

Aug  21st 

Wednesday 

Heavy  Storm  at  Night  Much  &  heavy  Thunder — Capt.  Van- 
Wyke  &  a  Lieut  &  Ens.  of  Col°  Mc-  Dougall's  Reg*  kill[ed]  by 
a  Shock  Likewise  one  man  in  town  belonging  to  a  Militia  Reg* 
of  Connecticut.  The  Storm  continued  for  two  or  three  hours, 
for  the  greatest  part  of  which  time  was  a  perpetual  Lightening 
and  the  sharpest  I  ever  knew. 

22  Thursday — 

The  Enemy  landed  some  troops  down  at  the  Narrows  on  Long 
Island. 

23.  Friday- 
Enemy    landed    more    Troops — news    that    they    had    marched 
up   and   taken   Station   near   Flatbush   their   advce   Gds  being  on 
this  side  near  the  woods — that  some  of  our  Riflemen  attacked  & 
drove  them  back 

Aug.  23 

Friday. 

from  their  post  burnt  2  stacks  hay  and  it  was  thought  kill'd 
some  of  them — this  about  12  O'C1  at  Night.  News  that  Our 
troops  attacked  them  at  their  station  near  Flat-b.  routed  and 
drove  them  back  1 TA  mile. 


258  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 


HALE'S  COMPANIES  IN  1775  AND  1776 

A  roll  of  Hale's  first  company  as  recruited  in  July  and  August, 
1775,  to  serve  until  December  1,  is  given  in  Stuart's  work;  also 
in  the  Revolutionary  Records  of  Connecticut,  published  by  the 
State.  Where  rolls  of  that  period  do  not  exactly  agree,  it  is 
due  to  enlistment  changes,  men  dropping  out,  others  taking  their 
places  and  a  few  transferred  from  one  company  to  another.  Hale 
enters  the  following  in  his  camp-book,  evidently  as  the  first 
officers  of  his  company,  1775: 

Majr  Latimer  [Captain] 
N.  Hale  Lieut. 
John  Belcher  2d  U 
Joseph  Hillard  Ensn 
Alpheus  Chapman  1st  Serg* 
George  Hurlbut  2d  Serg* 
Joseph  Page  3d  Serg* 
Reuben  Hewit  4th  Sergt 
Ezra  Bushnell  5th 


In  his  camp-book  also  may  be  found  the  roll  or  pay-abstract  of 
his  new  company,  recruited  for  the  year  1776,  as  it  stood  for 
the  month  of  April,  with  a  few  later  entries.1  There  are  seventy 
names  in  all,  officers  included.  Hale  wrote  to  his  brother  Enoch 
on  June  3,  that  he  then  had  eighty  in  his  company  and  hoped, 
through  a  recruiting  sergeant  to  get  his  full  complement  of  ninety 
men.  The  company  officers  for  1776  were  as  follows: 

Nathan  Hale,  Captain 
Alpheus  Chapman,  Lieut. 
John  Elderkin,  Lieut. 
Geo.  Hurlbut,  Ensign 

i-This  has  been  published  in  the  Connecticut  Historical   Society  Col 
lections,  Vol.  viii. 


APPENDIX  259 

Chapman  was  tried  by  court-martial  and  dismissed.  The  Col 
onel's  son,  Charles  Webb,  Jr.,  was  then  appointed  Lieutenant. 
Among  the  four  Sergeants  were  Thomas  Updike  Fosdick,  of 
Lyme,  and  Stephen  Hempstead,  of  New  London,  mentioned  in 
the  narrative  and  correspondence. 


26o  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

TRIBUTES  TO  HALE 

His  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH 
By  unknown  poet  of 


The  breezes  went  steadily  thro'  the  tall  pines, 
A-saying  "oh!  hu-ush!"  a-saying  "oh!  hu-ush!" 
As  stilly  stole  by  a  bold  legion  of  horse, 
For  Hale  in  the  bush,  for  Hale  in  the  bush. 

"Keep  still!"  said  the  thrush  as  she  nestled  her  young, 
In  a  nest  by  the  road  ;  in  a  nest  by  the  road  ; 
"For  the  tyrants  are  near,  and  with  them  appear, 
What  bodes  us  no  good,  what  bodes  us  no  good." 

The  brave  captain  heard  it,  and  thought  of  his  home, 
In  a  cot  by  the  brook;  in  a  cot  by  the  brook. 
With  mother  and  sister  and  memories  dear, 
He  so  gaily  forsook;  he  so  gaily  forsook. 

Cooling  shades  of  the  night  were  coming  apace, 
The  tatoo  had  beat;  the  tatoo  had  beat. 
The  noble  one  sprang  from  his  dark  lurking  place, 
To  make  his  retreat  ;  to  make  his  retreat. 

He  warily  trod  on  the  dry  rustling  leaves, 

Ah  he  pass'd  thro'  the  wood  ;  as  he  pass'd  thro'  the  wood  ; 

And  silently  gain'd  his  rude  launch  on  the  shore, 

As  she  play'd  with  the  flood  ;  as  she  play'd  with  the  flood. 

The  guards  of  the  camp,  on  that  dark,  dreary  night, 
Had  a  murderous  will  ;  had  a  murderous  will. 
They  took  him  and  bore  him  afar  from  the  shore, 
To  a  hut  on  the  hill;  to  a  hut  on  the  hill. 

No  mother  was  there,  nor  a  friend  who  could  cheer, 
In  that  little  stone  cell  ;  in  that  little  stone  cell. 
But  he  trusted  in  love,  from  his  father  above, 
In  his  heart  all  was  well  ;  in  his  heart  all  was  well. 


APPENDIX  261 

An  ominous  owl  with  his  solemn  bass  voice, 
Sat  moaning  hard  by;  sat  moaning  hard  by. 
"The  tyrant's  proud  minions  most  gladly  rejoice, 
For  he  must  soon  die;  for  he  must  soon  die." 

The  brave  fellow  told  them,  no  thing  he  restrain'd, 
The  cruel  gen'ral;  the  cruel  gen'ral; 
His  errand  from  camp,  of  the  ends  to  be  gained, 
And  said  that  was  all;  and  said  that  was  all. 

They  took  him  and  bound  him  and  bore  him  away, 
Down  the  hill's  grassy  side ;  down  the  hill's  grassy  side. 
'Twas  there  the  base  hirelings,  in  royal  array, 
His  cause  did  deride;  his  cause  did  deride. 

Five  minutes  were  given,  short  moments,  no  more, 
For  him  to  repent;  for  him  to  repent; 
He  pray'd  for  his  mother,  he  ask'd  not  another; 
To  Heaven  he  went;  to  Heaven  he  went. 

The  faith  of  a  martyr,  the  tragedy  shew'd, 
As  he  trod  the  last  stage ;  as  he  trod  the  last  stage. 
And  Britons  will  shudder  at  gallant  Hale's  blood, 
As  his  words  do  presage ;  as  his  words  do  presage. 

"Thou  pale  king  of  terrors,  thou  life's  gloomy  foe, 
Go  frighten  the  slave,  go  frighten  the  slave; 
Tell  tyrants,  to  you,  their  allegiance  they  owe, 
No  fears  for  the  brave;  no  fears  for  the  brave." 

[From  Mr.  Frank  Moore's  "Songs  and  Ballads  of  the  Revolution." 
It  is  credited  to  the  year  1776,  but  when  or  where  it  first  appeared  is  not 
stated.] 


HALE'S  FATE  AND  FAME 

By  Francis  M.  Finch 
[Printed  on  pages   144-146.] 


262  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

THE  LAST  MOMENTS  OF  NATHAN  HALE 

By  John  Witt  Randall  M.D. 

#***** 

Dear  Country!  Naught  in  death  I  dread, 

Save  that  but  once  I  fall, 
And  slumber  idly  with  the  dead 

When  thou  hast  need  of  all: 
Thy  living  sons  shall  all  defend, 
While  I  with  senseless  earth  must  blend. 

Thy  cause  requires  a  million  hands 

To  battle  with  thy  foes, 
Lives  numerous  as  the  ocean  sands — 

I  have  but  one  to  lose ! 
Yet,  though  the  sacrifice  be  small, 
Disdain  not,  since  I  give  thee  all. 

O  that  my  blood  from  out  the  ground, 
'Neath  God's  inspiring  breath, 

Might  at  thy  trumpets'  piercing  sound 
One  instant  leap  from  death, 

Each  drop  a  man,  each  man  a  spy, 

Foredoomed  in  thy  great  Cause  to  die ! 

How  blest,  even  so  to  serve  thee  still, 
Slain  o'er,  and  o'er  and  o'er! 

From  field  to  field,  from  hill  to  hill, 
I'd  chase  thy  cannon's  roar, 

And  shed  my  blood  like  showers  of  rain, 

And  fall,  and  rise,  and  fall  again. 
****** 

But  hark!     I  hear  the  muffled  drum 
Roll  like  a  smothered  wave, 

And  there  the  columns  marching  come 
That  bear  me  to  my  grave. 

Farewell,  dear  native  land!    This  heart 

Feels  but  one  pang  as  now  we  part. 


APPENDIX  263 

I  only  grieve  because  my  eyes 

Thy  glory  may  not  see — 
That  I  can  serve  thee  but  with  sighs, 

Nor  more  lift  sword  for  thee ; 
And  mourn  because  life's  fleeting  breath 
Permits  me  but  a  single  death. 


[From   "Consolations    of    Solitude."      Boston:   J.    P.    Jewett    and    Co. 
1856.     The  writer  was  the  great  grandson  of  Samuel  Adams.] 


HALE'S  GRAVE  AT  NEW  YORK 

By  John  MacMullen,  AM. 
***** 

We  know  not  where  they  buried  him, 

Belike  beneath  the  tree  ; 
But  patriot  memories  cluster  there, 

Where'er  the  spot  may  be. 
Yes!  youthful  martyr!  all  our  isle 

To  us  more  sacred's  made, 
Since  on  her  breast  thy  manly  form 

In  death's  deep  sleep  was  laid. 


[From    poem    delivered    before    the    Alumni    of    Columbia    College, 
October  27,  1858.] 


HALE'S  SACRIFICE 

By  J.  S.  Bab  cock,  Coventry,  1844 
****** 

Full  stern  was  his  doom,  but  full  firmly  he  died, 
No  funeral  or  bier  they  made  him, 

Not  a  kind  eye  wept,  nor  a  warm  heart  sighed, 
O'er  the  spot  all  unknown  where  they  laid  him. 


264  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

He  fell  in  the  spring  of  his  early  prime, 
With  his  fair  hopes  all  around  him; 

He  died  for  his  birth-land — "a  glorious  crime" — 
Ere  the  palm  of  his  fame  had  crowned  him. 

He  fell  in  her  darkness — he  lived  not  to  see 

The  morn  of  her  risen  glory; 
But  the  name  of  the  brave,  in  the  hearts  of  the  free, 

Shall  be  twined  in  her  deathless  story. 


A  COVENTRY  TRIBUTE 
By  Forrest  Morgan 

The  voices  and  hearts  of  our  country  have   joined  in  a  tender 

acclaim 
Of  the  hero  who  found  on  the  gallows  the  purest  attainment  of 

fame ; 
Who,  graced  with  all  gifts  and  all  promise  for  scaling  the  heights 

of  success, 
A   brain    and    a   heart    that    his    fellows    united    to    plaudit    and 

bless, 

The  orator  full  from  the  scholar,  surpassing  in  vigor  of  limb, 
The  idol  of  women  yet  also  of  men  who  forgave  it  to  him, 
High  power  in  his  country  before  him,  a  lure  to  ambition  and 

hope, 
The  duty  to  live  urged  upon  him  as  strong  with   its   perils  to 

cope, 
Obeyed  the  harsh  duty  close  to  him  and  ventured  his  life  on  the 

cast, 
Nor  sorrowed  except  that  the  giving  must  needs  be  his  one  and 

his  last. 
But  his  gift  was  more  massive  in  value  than  aught  he  could  know 

or  suppose: 

From  ours  to  the  sea  of  the  sunset,  the  Gulf  to  the  Innuit  snows, 
The  millions  who  owe  to  that  country  their  hope  of  excelling  the 

brutes 


APPENDIX  265 

Are  taught  by  his  word  and  example  they  owe  it  the  best  of  their 

fruits. 
And  so  long  as  the  banner  that  marks  it  shall  billow  its  folds  on 

the  gale, 
The  swell  of  the  heart  for  that  banner  will  mount  at  the  mention 

of  Hale. 

His  shaft  on  the  hill  is  our  glory,  our  seal  to  a  share  in  his  praise ; 
Be  ours  too,  in  payment,  first  share  in  the  lesson  his  story  conveys. 

[From  a  poem  entitled  "Coventry  Town  and  Church,"  read  August 
27,  1912,  by  Mr.  Morgan,  at  the  Two  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the 
organization  of  the  First  Congregational  Church,  South  Coventry, 
Connecticut.] 


HALE  AND  LINCOLN 
By  Governor  Simeon  E.  Baldwin,  of  Connecticut 

What  a  man  says  about  himself  seldom  lives  after  him,  but 
Nathan  Hale  said  something  about  himself  that  his  countrymen 
never  will  forget.  He  said  it  as  he  was  going  to  his  death.  He 
said  it  to  unsympathizing  ears.  It  was  his  enemies  who  preserved 
it  in  memory.  Its  expression  of  noble  resolution,  its  devoted  patri 
otism,  struck  home  even  to  their  hearts,  "I  only  regret  that  I  have 
but  one  life  to  lay  down  for  my  Country." 

Two  great  sayings  of  two  great  Americans  dwell  in  the  nation's 
memory. 

One  came  from  a  young  man  closing  a  short  career,  as  short  as 
it  was  glorious.  The  other  came  from  a  man  of  middle  age  who 
had  for  long  years  been  rendering  high  public  service  in  a  great 
station.  It  was  Lincoln's  speech  at  Gettysburg.  There,  next 
month,  that  speech  will  be  the  subject  for  special  commemoration. 
Here,  to-day,  we  have  the  shorter  speech  of  Nathan  Hale  to  occupy 
our  thoughts.  The  prevailing  note  of  Lincoln's  was  humility 
before  our  soldier  dead.  The  note  of  Hale's  was  a  proud  declara 
tion  of  patriotic  duty,  the  looking  forward  to  becoming  in  a  brief 
moment  one  of  the  soldier  dead.  It  was  but  a  few  lines  that 
Lincoln  spoke.  It  was  but  a  short  sentence  that  fell  from  the  lips 
of  Hale.  Both  spoke  from  the  heart;  both  spoke  under  the  influ- 


266  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

ence  of  the  deepest  feeling;  both  spoke  to  history.  History  heard, 
and  our  presence  here  is  her  tribute  to  the  younger  of  them,  a 
worthy  son  of  Connecticut  and  of  Yale. 

[From  address  by  Governor  Baldwin,  delivered  at  the  Hale  School- 
house,  East  Haddam,  June  14,  1913.] 


HALE  MEMORIALS 
MONUMENT  AT  COVENTRY 

The  first  monument  to  Hale's  memory  was  erected  at  his  birth 
place,  South  Coventry,  Connecticut,  in  1846.  It  is  a  shaft  of 
Quincy  granite  forty-five  feet  in  height.  The  cost  was  met  by 
the  townspeople  and  subscribers  elsewhere,  assisted  by  a  grant 
of  twelve  hundred  dollars  from  the  State.  Efforts  made  a  few 
years  earlier  to  interest  Congress  in  the  matter  had  failed.  Stuart 
gives  many  details  connected  with  the  erection  of  the  monument. 
The  Hale  collection  in  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society  includes 
original  material  in  regard  to  it,  as  well  as  proceedings,  resolutions, 
and  speeches  in  Congress. 


STATUE  IN  THE  HARTFORD  CAPITOL 

In  1887,  the  State  of  Connecticut  erected  a  bronze  statue  of 
Hale  in  the  Capitol  building  at  Hartford,  designed  by  Karl  Ger- 
hardt,  sculptor,  of  that  city.  It  was  dedicated  June  14,  the  late 
Charles  Dudley  Warner  making  the  presentation  address.  Gov 
ernor  Lounsbury  accepted  it  for  the  State. 


THE  ATHENAEUM  STATUE,  HARTFORD 

A  bronze  statue  of  Hale  stands  on  the  grounds  of  the  Wads- 
worth  Athenaeum,  Hartford,  which  Mr.  James  J.  Goodwin  pre 
sented  to  that  institution  in  1894.  The  sculptor  was  Mr.  Enoch 
S.  Woods,  of  that  city. 


APPENDIX  267 

THE  MACMONNIES  STATUE,  NEW  YORK 

The  Society  of  "Sons  of  the  Revolution  in  the  State  of  New 
York"  dedicated  a  bronze  statue  to  Hale  in  the  City  Hall  Park, 
New  York,  November  25,  1893,  with  impressive  ceremonies. 
The  sculptor  was  Frederick  MacMonnies.  See  p.  148. 


MEMORIAL  AT  HUNTINGTON,  LONG  ISLAND 

Residents  of  Huntington,  in  1894,  erected  a  memorial  to  Hale 
in  the  form  of  a  granite  column  with  a  fountain  at  the  base.  It 
commemorates  Hale's  landing  there  and  his  capture,  as  then  sup 
posed,  at  the  same  place.  The  local  "Nathan  Hale  Association" 
conducted  the  dedication  exercises. 


MEMORIAL  AT  NORWALK,  CONNECTICUT 

At  Norwalk,  where  Hale  changed  his  uniform  for  a  school 
master's  disguise  and  then  crossed  to  Huntington,  the  local  chap 
ter  of  the  "Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution"  erected  a 
pleasing  memorial  in  1901.  It  is  an  ornamental  public  fountain 
standing  opposite  the  City  Armory. 


STATUE  AT  ST.  PAUL,  MINNESOTA 

A  statue  of  Hale,  modeled  by  Mr.  William  Ordway  Partridge, 
sculptor,  stands  in  one  of  the  parks  in  St.  Paul.  It  was  erected 
by  the  local  "Nathan  Hale  Chapter,"  Daughters  of  the  American 
Revolution. 


STATUE  ON  YALE  UNIVERSITY  GROUNDS 

This  statue,  referred  to  on  page   146,   designed  by   Mr.   Bela 
Pratt,  sculptor,  Boston,  was  placed  on  its  pedestal,  September  30, 


268  NATHAN  HALE,  1776 

1914.  It  stands  near  the  east  side  of  Connecticut  Hall,  old 
"South  Middle,"  in  which  Hale  roomed.  The  bronze  figure, 
slightly  above  life  size,  represents  him  at  the  moment  of  his  sacri 
fice.  On  the  front  face  of  the  pedestal  the  inscription  reads: 

NATHAN  HALE 

1755_1776 
CLASS  OF  1773 

On  the  back: 

A  GIFT  TO  YALE  COLLEGE 

BY  FRIENDS  AND  GRADUATES 

ANNO  DOMINI,  MCMXIV 


SCHOOLHOUSES  AT  EAST  HADDAM  AND  NEW  LONDON, 
CONNECTICUT 

These  schoolhouses  have  been  restored  and  dedicated  as  Hale 
memorials.  Removed  in  each  case  from  their  original  sites 
several  years  ago,  they  were  changed  and  used  as  dwellings.  They 
now  stand  on  entirely  new  sites.  The  one  at  East  Haddam  was 
dedicated,  June  6,  1900,  under  the  auspices  of  the  "Sons  of  the 
Revolution"  of  New  York  and  Connecticut.  The  New  London 
schoolhouse,  from  whose  desk  Hale  went  to  the  war,  was  pur 
chased  and  restored  by  the  Connecticut  "Sons  of  the  American 
Revolution"  and  by  them  transferred  to  the  local  "Daughters" 
of  the  same  Society.  The  dedication  occurred,  June  17,  190 1.1 

1  Illustrations  of  these  memorials,  excepting  the  statue  by  Mr.  Par 
tridge,  which  was  erected  since  1901,  appear  in  the  first  edition  of  this 
work.  Also  accounts  of  the  dedication  exercises. 

A  few  tablets  and  other  minor  memorials  have  been  set  up  in  other 
places. 


APPENDIX  269 

My  Friend 

After  I  receiv'd  your  letter  of  July  17th  I  thought  I  would 
send  you  one  long  enough  To  make  up  for  the  loss  of  those  which 
you  made  mention  of. — By  your  last,  I  rather  think  that  you  have 
never  yet  come  across  it.  However  I  would  have  you  wait  with 
Patience,  for  I  dare  warrant  you  the  Perusal  of  it  in  less  than  y2 
a  Century  this  time.  If  this  should  chance  to  find  you  (or  you 
it)  first,  I  would  have  you  prepare  yourself  for  the  Reception  of 
an  extraordinary  Epistle.  Let  the  stomach  of  your  Mind  be 
empty  &  prepared  for  a  good  digestion.  You  will  find  that  I 
have  said  something  in  that  about  proper  food  for  digestion,  both 
for  Body  &  Mind.  But  you  must  satisfy  yourself  about  these 
things  when  the  letter  arrives. — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for 
those  Tables  which  you  sent — I  have  not  seen  the  other  Gentlemen 
yet,  to  deliver  your  Present  to  them,  for  I  have  but  just  received 
them. —  I  herewith  send  you  my  Geographical  Cards,  Which  I 
suppose  your  scholars  can  copy  off.  I  am  daily  using  them,  but 
if  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  return  them  in  about  3  Weeks  or  a 
Month  I  can  do  very  well.  By  that  time  you  may  have  a  number 
of  Copies  from  them,  &  they  will  be  needed  by  your  sincere 
friend  &c 

BENJN  TALLMADGE 
Wethersfield.  August  6th  1774- 

To  Mr  Nathan  Hale 
New  London 

(Endorsed  on  back  in  Hale's  handwriting) 
Mr  Tallmadge 

Aug.  6th  AD  1774 


HALE    BIBLIOGRAPHY 

BIOGRAPHIES 

Mr.  Cyrus  P.  Bradley,  of  Hanover,  New  Hampshire,  proposed  writing 
a  life  of  Hale  as  early  as  1835,  Mr.  Jasper  Gilbert,  of  Coventry,  having 
assisted  him  in  collecting  material.  In  1836,  Mr.  I.  Holbrook,  of  Nor 
wich,  Connecticut,  expressed  the  same  intention.  Neither  of  them  pub 
lished  biographies.  A  portion  of  the  Bradley-Gilbert  correspondence  is 
preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society  and  has 
been  utilized  in  the  present  work. 

MEMOIR  OF  CAPTAIN  NATHAN  HALE.     For  the  Hale  Monument  Associa 
tion.     By  J.  S.  Babcock,  of  Coventry.     New  Haven,  1844.     Brief. 
LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN   NATHAN   HALE,  THE   MARTYR  SPY  OF  THE  AMERICAN 

REVOLUTION.     By  Isaac  W.  Stuart.     With  Hale  genealogy,  prepared 

by  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale.     Two  editions.     Hartford,  1856. 
LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  NATHAN  HALE,  THE  MARTYR-SPY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

Dedicated  to  the  soldiers  of  the  United  States  Army.     U.  S.  Military 

Post  Library  Association,  New  York,  1874.     Brief. 
THE  SAD,  HEART-TOUCHING,  BUT  ENNOBLING  HISTORY  OF  CAPT.  NATHAN 

HALE,    the    hero-martyr    of    the    American    Revolution.      By    Henry 

Howe.     New  Haven,  1881.     Brief. 
THE  Two  SPIES — NATHAN   HALE  AND  JOHN  ANDRE.     By  B.  J.  Lossing. 

New  York,  1886  and  1907. 
NATHAN   HALE,  the   Martyr   Spy.     An   Incident   of   the   Revolution.     By 

Charles  W.  Brown.     New  York,  1899.     Brief. 
NATHAN   HALE,  the   Martyr  Hero  of  the  Revolution.     By  Charlotte  M. 

Holloway.     New  York,   1899.     Also,   Connecticut  Magazine,  Vol.   6, 

p.  244. 
NATHAN    HALE.      BIOGRAPHY    AND    MEMORIALS.      By    H.    P.    Johnston. 

Privately  printed.     New  York,  1901. 
NATHAN  HALE.    THE  IDEAL  PATRIOT.    By  Wm.  Ordway  Partridge.    New 

York,    1902. 

HALE  IN  HISTORICAL  AND  LITERARY  WORKS 

A  SUMMARY  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  By  Hannah  Adams.  Dedham 
[Mass.],  1799;  pp.  358-61.  Also  in  abridged  editions,  1805,  1807. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  RISE,  PROGRESS,  AND  TERMINATION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVO 
LUTION.  By  Mrs.  Mercy  Warren.  Boston,  1805.  Vol.  II,  pp.  264- 
66. 


212  HALE  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

AMERICAN  ANNALS.  By  Abiel  Holmes.  Cambridge,  1805.  Vol.  II,  p. 
369. 

MEMOIRS,  CORRESPONDENCE  AND  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  GENERAL  LAFAYETTE. 
Published  by  his  Family.  Vol.  I,  p.  256. 

MILITARY  JOURNAL.  By  Dr.  James  Thacher.  Boston,  1827.  He  copies 
Hannah  Adams'  account  in  a  note  and  states  that  it  "gives  him  the 
highest  satisfaction"  to  do  so;  p.  224. 

LECTURES  ON  AMERICAN  LITERATURE.  By  Samuel  L.  Knapp.  New  York, 
1829;  pp.  254-57. 

LIFE  AND  TREASON  OF  BENEDICT  ARNOLD.  By  Jared  Sparks.  New  York, 
1835.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  299-305.  Library  of  American  Biography. 

CONNECTICUT  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.  By  J.  W.  Barber.  New  Haven, 
1838;  pp.  544-45;  also,  edition  of  1856,  p.  581. 

CONNECTICUT  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  By  R.  R.  Hinman. 
Hartford,  1842;  p.  82. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  LONG  ISLAND.  By  B.  F.  Thompson.  New  York,  1843. 
Vol.  II,  p.  475. 

HISTORY  OF  SCHOHARIE  COUNTY,  AND  BORDER  WARS  OF  NEW  YORK.  By 
J.  R.  Simms.  Albany,  1845;  p.  665. 

THE  AMERICAN  SPY;  OR  FREEDOM'S  EARLY  SACRIFICE.  By  J.  R.  Simms. 
Albany,  1846,  1857. 

REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL  LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 
By  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Maria  Campbell.  New  York,  1848;  pp.  33,  45. 

REVOLUTIONARY  INCIDENTS  OF  SUFFOLK  AND 'KINGS   COUNTIES,  L.  I.     By 

Henry   Onderdonk,   Jr.     New   York,    1849;    pp.   48-53.     Incidents   of 

Queens  County,  do.,  p.  204. 
MEMOIR  OF  DAVID  HALE.    By  Rev.  Dr.  J.  P.  Thompson.    New  York,  1850; 

pp.  6,  494. 
HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT.     By  G.  H.  Hollister,  Hartford,  1855.     Vol.  II> 

p.  279. 
MEMOIR   OF   REV.    WILLIAM    ROBINSON.     By   his    son,   Edward    Robinson. 

New  York,  1859;  p.  71. 

MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  PROCEEDINGS.     Vol.  XVIII,  p.  270. 
CONNECTICUT  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  COLLECTIONS.     Vol.  VIII,  pp.  28-31. 
PICTORIAL  FIELD  BOOK  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.    By  B.  J.  Lossing.    New  York, 

1859.  Vol.  I,  pp.  425,  758.     Vol.  II,  p.  609. 

HISTORY  OF  NEW  LONDON,  CONNECTICUT.    By  Frances  M.  Caulkins.     1860; 

p.  515. 

CENTENNIAL  SKETCH  OF  NEW  LONDON.    Starr;  pp.  15-16. 
DIARY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.     By  Frank   Moore.     New  York, 

1860.  Vol.  I,  p.  314;  Vol.  II,  p.  428. 


HALE  BIBLIOGRAPHY  273 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK.     By  Mary  L.  Booth.     New  York, 

1860;  p.  501. 
LIFE  AND  CAREER  OF  MAJOR  JOHN  ANDRE.    By  Winthrop  Sargent.    Boston, 

1861;  pp.  341,  354. 

WESTHAMPTON,  MASSACHUSETTS,  REUNION,  1866;  pp.  33-35. 
BATTLES  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.    By  Gen.  H.  B.  Carrington.    New 

York,  1876;  pp.  78,  227. 
CAMPAIGN  OF   1776  AROUND   NEW  YORK  AND  BROOKLYN.     By  Henry  P. 

Johnston.     L.  I.  Historical   Society,  Brooklyn,   1878.     Part  I,  p.  262. 

By  same  author,  YALE  IN  THE  REVOLUTION.     New  York,   1888 ;    pp. 

52-55;  286-90.    By  same  author,  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS.    New 

York,  1897;  pp.  29-31. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK.     By.  Martha  J.  Lamb.     New  York, 

1880.     Vol.  II,  p.  136. 
COMMEMORATIVE  OF  NATHAN  HALE.    Pamphlet  issued  by  the  "Sons  of  the 

Revolution,"  New  York,   1887,  to  promote  proposed  statue  of  Hale. 

Reprint  of  Harper's  Magazine  article,  May,  1880,  and  other  material. 
NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.    By  Justin  Winsor.    Boston, 

1888.    Vol.  VI,  p.  333. 

GENEALOGY  OF  THE  STRONG  FAMILY.    Vol.  I,  pp.  332,  350-52. 
HISTORY  OF  TOLLAND  COUNTY,  CONNECTICUT.    By  J.  R.  Cole.    1888;  p.  110 

and  Chapter  XI. 
YALE  BIOGRAPHIES  AND  ANNALS.    By  F.  B.  Dexter.    New  York,  1885-1912. 

Vol.  Ill,  p.  483. 
HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT.    By  E.  B.  Sanford.    Hartford,  1889;  pp.  204-5; 

210. 
HISTORY  OF   THE    UNITED    STATES.     By   George   Bancroft.     Edition    1890. 

Vol.  V,  p.  48. 
THE   AMERICAN   REVOLUTION.     By  John   Fiske.     Boston,    1891.     Vol.   II, 

p.  228. 
MEMORIAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK.     By  James  G.  Wilson. 

New  York,  1892.     Vol.  II,  pp.  528-29. 
HISTORY   OF  THE    CITY   OF   BROOKLYN    AND   KINGS   COUNTY.     By   S.   M. 

Ostrander.    Brooklyn,  1894.     Vol.  I,  p.  267. 
THE  LITERARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.     By  Moses  Coit 

Tyler.     New  York,  1897.     Vol.  II,  pp.  183-86. 
RECORDS  OF  TOWN  AND  CHURCHES  IN  COVENTRY,  CONNECTICUT.    By  Susan 

Whitney  Dimock.     New  York,  1897;  p.  53. 
HISTORIC  NEW  YORK.    First  Series  Half  Moon  Papers.     New  York,  1899; 

pp.  250,  298,  315. 
AMERICAN  HISTORY  TOLD  BY  CONTEMPORARIES.    By  A.  B.  Hart.    New  York, 

1901.     Vol.  II,  p.  484. 


HALE  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


THE  STORY  OF  MANHATTAN.    By  C.  Hemstreet.    New  York,  1901;  p.  157. 
LANDMARK  HISTORY  OF  NEW  YORK.    By  Albert  Ulmann.    New  York,  1901; 

pp.  117-19. 
CONNECTICUT.      By    Alexander    Johnston.      "American    Commonwealth" 

Series,  1903  ;  pp.  295-96. 
CONNECTICUT  AS  A  COLONY  AND  STATE.     By  Forrest  Morgan.     Hartford, 

1904.     Vol.  II,  pp.  89-91;  186-88. 

THE  STORY  OF  NATHAN  HALE.    By  Rev.  A.  J.  Haynes.    New  Haven,  1907. 
STORY  OF  NATHAN  HALE.    By  Pauline  C.  Bouve.    "American  Heroes,"  pp. 

129-38. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  ITS  PEOPLE.    By  E.  M.  Avery.    Cleve 

land,  1909.     Vol.  VI,  pp.  27-30. 
THE  BOROUGH  OF  THE  BRONX,  1659-1913.     By  H.  T.  Cook.     New  York, 

1913;  pp.  212-18. 

A  HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT.    By  Rev.  George  L.  Clark.    New  York,  1914. 
NEW  YORK.     (Commonwealth  Series.)     By  E.  H.  Roberts.     Vol.  II;   p. 

438. 

HALE  IN  POETRY  AND  DRAMA 

In  addition  to  the  pieces  quoted  or  referred  to  in  the  present  work  at 
pages  37-38,  133-34,  144-46,  260-64,  the  following  may  be  mentioned: 

NATHAN  HALE.  Stanzas  suggested  by  the  movement  to  erect  a  monument 
at  Coventry.  By  "F."  [Jerusha  Foote?]  In  Hartford  Courant, 
June  20,  1842. 

"Yes!  rear  the  marble  —  let  it  rise! 
******* 

Not  as  the  soldier  loves  to  die 
But  as  the  felon  dies,  — 
Hale  gave  with  self-devotion  high 
Mind's  noblest  sacrifice." 

******* 

VERSES  WRITTEN  FOR  THE  LADIES'  FAIR  AT  COVENTRY,  May  1,  1844.  By 
Jerusha  Foote,  of  Andover,  Connecticut.  Also  another  piece  of  six 
verses.  Copies  in  Hale  Collection,  Connecticut  Historical  Society. 

ARTICLE  ON  HALE  IN  THE  YALE  LITERARY  MAGAZINE,  June,  1839,  closes 
with  a  poetic  tribute. 

NATHAN  HALE.  By  Arthur  Hale.  Poem  read  by  him  at  banquet  of 
"Sons  of  the  Revolution,"  New  York  City,  November  25,  1893,  after 
the  unveiling  of  the  MacMonnies  statue  of  Hale  in  City  Hall  Park. 
Printed  in  Boston  Advertiser,  November  27,  and  in  Boston  Com 
monwealth,  December  2,  1893. 


HALE  BIBLIOGRAPHY  275 

THE  ROMANCE  OF  THE   SCHOOLHOUSE.     By  Bertha  P.  Attwood,  of  East 

Haddam.      Read    on    "Nathan    Hale    Day,"    June    6,    1900,    at    East 

Haddam,   Connecticut,  on  the  occasion  of  the  transfer  of  the  Hale 

Schoolhouse  to  the  State  Society  "Sons  of  the  Revolution."     Printed 

in  the  Connecticut  Valley  Advertiser,  June  8,  1900 ;  also  in  Hartford 

papers. 
NATHAN  HALE.    By  Joseph  Cone.    Poem  read  on  above  occasion.    Printed 

in  same  papers. 
NATHAN  HALE'S  DAY.    By  Ella  Beardsley,  of  Moodus,  Connecticut,  June 

6,  1900. 

NATHAN  HALE.    By  Sara  King  Wiley. 
NATHAN    HALE.      By    William    Ordway    Partridge.      Harper's    Weekly, 

November  9,  1901. 

NATHAN  HALE,  THE  MARTYR-SPY.    By  I.  H.  Brown.    St.  Louis. 
OUR    IVY.      By    Claes    Martenze    [Richard    Henry    Greene].      Privately 

printed  and  illustrated,  New  York,  1902.     Suggested  by  associations 

with  Hale's  East  Haddam  schoolhouse. 
NATHAN  HALE.     By  Genevieve  Hale  Whitlock,  New  Haven.     Dedicated 

to  the  Norwalk  Chapter  D.  A.  R.     Connecticut  Magazine,  May-June, 

1900.     Also,  "Hale  Day,"  in  same. 
NATHAN  HALE'S  STATUE.     By  J.  I.  C.  Clarke.     In  "The  Fighting  Race 

and  other  Poems  and  Ballads,"  by  the  same  writer.    American  News 

Company,  New  York. 
THE  DEATH  OF  CAPT.  NATHAN  HALE.    A  Drama  in  five  acts.    By  David 

Trumbull,  for  the  Hale  Monument  Association,  Hartford,   1845. 
NATHAN    HALE.     Four-Act   Play.     By   Clyde   Fitch.     Presented   at  New 

York,  January-March,  1899. 
NATHAN  HALE  OF  73.    A  drama  in  four  acts.    By  C.  C.  S.  Gushing.    Yale 

Publishing  Association,  New  Haven,  1908. 

Among  the  paintings  exhibited  at  the  American  Art  Union  at  New 
York  in  1848  was  one  entitled,  "Nathan  Hale  just  before  Execution,"  by 
O.  A.  Buliard.  It  became  the  property  of  Dr.  G.  G.  Bischoff,  of  Reading, 
Pa. 

F.  O.  C.  Darley,  the  well-known  engraver,  of  New  York,  about  1850- 
70,  designed  an  effective  piece  representing  the  same  scene. 

ADDRESSES  ON  HALE— MAGAZINE  AND  PRESS  ARTICLES 

NATHAN  HALE  ASSOCIATION.  Address  at  South  Coventry,  Connecticut, 
before  the  Association,  November  25,  1836,  by  Hon.  Andrew  T. 
Judson.  Norwich,  1837.  (Pamphlet.) 

CONGRESS  AND  HALE.  In  1835  residents  of  Coventry  petitioned  Congress 
to  appropriate  a  sum  of  money  for  the  erection  of  a  monument  to 


HALE  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Hale    at  that   place,   his   native   town.     A   select   Committee   of   the 

House,  headed  by  Mr.  Judson,  presented  a  report  in  favor  of  the 

project  on  January   19,    1836.     In  the   Senate  the  petition   was  pre 

sented,   February  1,   1836,  by  Hon.  John  M,   Niles.     The  movement 

failed,   as   it  did   again   in   1842.     The   resolutions  and   speeches   on 

these  occasions  appear  in  the  official  records. 
ANDRE    AND   HALE.     Address   by   Henry   J.    Raymond,   founder   of    New 

York  Daily  Times,  at  Tarrytown,  New  York.     The  Times,  October 

8,  1853. 
CENTENNIAL    OF    THE    CAPTURE    OF    MAJOR    ANDRE.      Oration    by    Hon. 

Chauncey  M.  Depew.     New  York,  1880.     (Pamphlet.) 
NATHAN   HALE.     By  Edward   Everett   Hale.     Address   at   Groton,   Con 

necticut,  on  "Nathan  Hale  Day,"  September  7,  1881.     Includes  Enoch 

Hale's  Diary.     Boston,  1881.      (Pamphlet.) 
NATHAN   HALE.     Address   at   unveiling  of  the   Hale  statue   at  the   State 

Capitol,  Hartford.     By  Charles  Dudley  Warner.     Hartford  Courant, 

June  16,  1887. 
NATHAN  HALE.     Address  by  Edward  Everett  Hale  before  the  "Sons  of 

the  Revolution,"  New  York,  November  25,   1893.     Boston  Common 

wealth,  December  2,  1893. 
NATHAN  HALE.     Schoolboy,  Teacher,  Martyr-Spy.    Address  to  the  Pupils 

of   the   Public   Schools   of   the    City   of   New   York.     By  Jacob    Cox 

Parsons,  New  York,  April  10,   1894.      (Pamphlet.) 
NATHAN  HALE.    Address  by  Robert  Lenox  Belknap  at  unveiling  of  Hale 

memorial    at   Huntington,   L.   I.,   July  4,    1894.     In  Suffolk   Bulletin, 

July  7,   1894. 
NATHAN  HALE  SCHOOLHOUSE.    Address  by  Judge  Julius  Attwood,  on  Hale 

and    his    school    associations    at    East    Haddam.      Connecticut    Valley 

Advertiser,  June  8,  1900,  and  Hartford  papers. 
HALE  AND  LINCOLN.     Address  by  Governor  Simeon  E.  Baldwin,  of  Con 

necticut,  at  the  Hale  Schoolhouse,  East  Haddam,  June  14,  1913.     In 

Connecticut  Valley  Advertiser  of  June  20. 

EARLY  REFERENCE  TO  HALE.     American  Magazine.     1788,  p.  564. 
NATHAN  HALE.     Editorial  in  Plaindealer,  a  New  York  weekly  journal. 

December  24,  1836. 
HALE'S  SERVICE  AND  SACRIFICE.    The  Knickerbocker  or  New  York  Monthly 

Magazine   (1838),  Vol.  XI,  p.  54. 
REVIEW  OF  STUART'S  LIFE  OF  HALE.    Putnam's  Magazine,  Vol.  VII  (1856), 

p.  476. 
CUNNINGHAM  AND  HALE.     American  Historical  Record,  Vol.  II,  p.  443. 

See  p.  123,  ante. 
HALE  AND  ANDRE'S   DEFENSE.     Potter's  American  Monthly    (1876),   Vol. 

VI,  p.  295.     See  note,  p.  137,  ante. 


HALE  BIBLIOGRAPHY  277 

KALE'S  NAME.     New  England  Historic   Genealogical  Register,   Vol.   37, 
p.  339. 

NATHAN  HALE.     Harper's  Magazine,  May,  1880. 
NATHAN  HALE.     The  Independent,  New  York,  November  30,  1893. 
HULL    GENEALOGY.      By    Samuel    C.    Clarke.      New    England    Historic 
Genealogical  Register,  April  and  July,  1893. 

HALE  SCHOOL,  EAST  HADDAM.     By  F.  H.  Parker.     Connecticut  Magazine, 
Hartford,  May-June,  1900. 

ALICE  ADAMS,  NATHAN   KALE'S  SWEETHEART.     By  Edward  Hale  Brush. 
The  Churchman,  July  5,  1913. 

THE    YALE    STATUE   OF   NATHAN    HALE.     By   George    Dudley    Seymour. 

Magazine  of  History   (1907),  Vol.  VI,  p.  171. 
HALE-SITE.     Privately  printed,  brief  pamphlet  by  George  Taylor,  Hunt- 

ington,  L.  I.,  1897.    Relating  to  Kale's  capture  at  that  place. 

HALE  MEMORIALS.     The  American  Architect  and  Building  News.     New 
York,  April,  1888. 

Encyclopaedias  and  American  school  histories  very  generally  contain 
sketches  of  or  mention  of  Hale.  Articles  are  noted  in  the  volumes  of 
Poole's  Index;  also  in  "Reader's  Guide  to  Periodical  Literature,"  ed.  by 
Anna  L.  Guthrie,  1905.  Vol.  I,  p.  629;  Vol.  II,  p.  978. 

References  to  Hale  in  magazines  and  newspapers  have  been  numerous, 
appearing  mainly  in  connection  with  anniversaries  or  the  erection  of 
Hale  memorials.  .The  more  interesting  and  important  are  in: 

The  Hartford  Courant,  Supplement,  February  9,  1835;  New  York 
Journal  of  Commerce,  July  10,  1846;  New  York  World,  September  22, 
1876;  do.,  February  4,  1879;  New  York  Sun,  December  30,  1878;  do., 
January  4,  1879;  Harper's  Magazine,  "Editor's  Easy  Chair,"  March, 
1879;  New  York  Mail  and  Express,  June  15,  1887;  Hartford  Courant, 
June  16,  1887;  New  York  Times,  June  18,  1887;  New  York  Evening  Post, 
June  15,  1887;  New  York  Commercial  Advertiser,  June  16,  1887;  Har 
per's  Weekly,  June  11,  1887;  New  York  Evening  Sun,  July  17,  1894. 
No  Hale  event  was  the  subject  of  so  many  descriptions  and  editorials  as 
the  unveiling  of  the  statue  in  New  York.  Papers  in  distant  cities  pub 
lished  accounts.  See  all  the  city  papers  for  November  25  and  26,  1893; 
Harper's  Weekly,  December  9;  Boston  Traveller,  November  18;  Brook 
lyn  Eagle,  November  25 ;  Schenectady  Union,  November  25 ;  Rochester 
Herald,  November  27;  Baltimore  Sun,  November  27;  New  Haven  Pal 
ladium,  November  27 ;  Springfield  Republican,  November  28 ;  Kansas 
City  Star,  November  28 ;  Providence  Journal,  November  28 ;  Worcester 
Spy,  November  28;  Boston  Advertiser,  November  27;  Columbus  (Ohio) 
Despatch,  November  28;  Boston  Transcript,  November  29;  New  Orleans 
Picayune,  December  2;  Philadelphia  Enquirer,  November  26;  Portland 
Oregonian,  November  25,  1893.  Celebrations  elsewhere:  Suffolk,  L.  I., 


278  HALE  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Bulletin,  July  7,  1894;  The  Norwalk  Hour,  April  19,  1901;  Connecticut 
Valley  Advertiser,  June  8,  1900;  do.,  June  20,  1913;  Hartford  Times, 
June  6,  1900;  Hartford  Courant,  June  8,  1900;  New  London  Day,  June 
17,  1901.  Hale  Homestead:  Hartford  Courant,  July  9,  1913.  Hale  Statue: 
Yale  News,  March  2  and  3,  1899;  The  Critic,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  366;  on  Yale 
Campus,  Hartford  Courant,  October  1,  1914.  Proposed  national  statue 
at  Washington,  D.  C.,  Courant,  July  18,  1914. 


INDEX 

Abbot,  Abiel,  Hale  homestead,  lOn;  profile,  153. 

Abbot,  Elizabeth,  homestead,  9;  room  and  profile,  153. 

Adams,  Abigail,  Deacon  Hale,  56. 

Adams,  Alice,  Kale's  love  for,  56;  qualities,  57;  marries  E.  Ripley,  57; 
book,  57n;  widow,  58;  engaged  to  Hale,  59;  tribute  to,  59;  Marvin's 
reference,  59;  marries  W.  Lawrence,  60;  recollections  of,  and  por 
trait,  60;  Hale  miniature,  151;  descendants  of,  152n;  Hale  to 
"Alicia,"  190. 

Adams,  Betsy,  233,  243. 

Adams,  E.,  243. 

Adams,  Hannah,  historian,  125n,  138;  account  of  Hale,  139,  141. 

Adams,  Joseph,  183. 

Adams,  and  Dr.  Church,  232. 

Adams,  Capt.,  privateer,  253. 

Adams,  Samuel,  father  of  Alice,  56. 

Adams,  Samuel,  independence,  64. 

Adams,  Sarah,  marries  J.  Hale,  56. 

Alden,  Roger,  34-36,  42;  quoted,  78;  independent,  87;  in  the  army,  96; 
to  Hale,  175,  193;  sketch  of,  198n;  letters  to  Hale,  198. 

Alden,  Lieut.  Col.,  Duxbury,  86. 

Allen,  Ethan,  Col.,  wounded,  233. 

Amadon's,  inn,  255. 

Andre,  John,  Maj.,  38n;  case  of,  114;  executed,  125;  compared  with 
Hale,  132,  136-138,  140,  157,  170. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  125,  253. 

Artillery  Park,  British,  Hale  executed  at,  115,  126;  site,  161. 

Ashford,  Conn.,  Knowlton  from,  102;  inn,  256. 

Asia,  ship,  Hale  and  sloop,  92,  150,  250. 

Attleboro,  Mass.,  71 ;  inn  at,  240. 

Atwater,  Thomas,  Student's  Comedy,  33. 

Avery  Park,  New  London  Committee,  234. 

Babcock,  J.  S.,  on  Hale,  51,  263. 

Baldwin,  Eben.,  tutor,  19. 

Baldwin,  Roger  S.,  Coventry  shaft,  143. 

Baldwin,  Simeon  E.,  Gov.,  Hale  and  Lincoln,  265. 

Barker,  student,  193. 

Bates,  Albert  C.,  Hale  archives,  ix. 

Bayard's  Mount,  N.  Y.,  Hale's  camp,  90. 

"Beaux'  Stratagem,"  play  at  Yale,  32. 

Beckwith,  B.,  student,  34. 


280  INDEX 

Beebe,  Christopher,  soldier,  250. 

Beekman  Mansion,  N.  Y.,  89;  Howe's  headquarters,  121;   Hale,  89,  121, 

126. 

Belcher,  John,  Lieut.,  recruits,  70;  letter,  239,  258. 
Belden,  P.  and  S.,  Misses,  Kale's  pupils,  78,  238,  245. 
Belden,  Samuel,  school  proprietor,  178,  218-219. 
Berkeley  Scholarship,  Yale,  28,  87. 
Beverly,  Mass.,  6,  7. 
Bill,  S.,  New  London,  237. 
Billings,  E.,  "Sir,"  31,  193. 
Bird,  Rev.  Mr.,  preaches,  241-242,  248-249. 
Blue  Laws,  Conn.,  63n. 
Boston,   massacre,  64;   siege,   66,  71,  76;   evacuated,  82;   damage  to,   83; 

American   army  leaves,  88;   Chronicle,  136,   140,   166;   "Gagites"  in, 

210;  Neck,  241,  247,  250. 
Bostwick,  Capt,  241. 
Bourbank,  Lieut.,  247. 
Bowers,  John,  gunner,  253. 
Brackett,  Dr.,  Portsmouth,  217. 
Bradley,  C.  P.,  Hale  material,  52n. 
Branford,  Conn.,  67. 
Breton,  Cape,  40. 
Brookhaven,  L.  I.,  16. 

Brooklyn,  defenses,  89,  94,  98;  Kale's  route,  113;  map,  162. 
Brooks,  Maj.,  181,  246,  253. 
Brothers  in  Unity,  Yale  Society,  31. 
Brown,  Chas.,  privateer,  253. 
Brown,  John,  Yale,  soldier,  24. 
Brown,  soldier,  227-228,  248. 
Brown's,  Cambridge,  244. 
Bulkley,  Capt.,  252. 

Bunker  Hill,  5,  71,  73-74,  81,  90,  102,  227,  254. 
Burnham's,  inn,  88. 
Bushnell,  Ezra,  Sergt.,  258. 
Butler,  Col.,  massacre,  33. 

Campbell,  Maria,  Mrs.,  biographer,  107n. 

Cambridge,   Mass.,   American   headquarters,   71,   75,    188;    Hale   at,   240- 

241,  244,  250-254. 
Canaan,  Conn.,  171. 
Canterbury,  Conn.,  56. 
Carver,  William,  privateer,  253. 
Catlin,  Lieut.,  246,  254. 
Caulkins,  Miss,  on  Hale,  52. 
Cerberus,  ship,  109,  119,  159. 
Chadwick,  Charles,  Capt.,  school  proprietor,  178. 


INDEX  281 

Chamberlain,  Mr.,  252. 

Chambli,  fort,  221,  245. 

Champlin,  Chris.,  232,  242. 

Chapman,  Alpheus,  Kale's  company,  2^6,  228,  247,  251;  dismissed,  259. 

Chappel,  Alpheus,  recruit,  228. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  5. 

Charlestown   Neck,   5,   73. 

Chelsea,  Mass.,  251. 

Christophers,  Betsey,  Hale  to,  77,  80,  179. 

Christophers,   Sheriff,  New  London,  234,  245. 

Church,  Dr.,  defection  of,  221,  232;  in  jail,  235. 

Church  and  Hallam,  to  Hale,  239. 

Church,  Silas,  school  proprietor,  178. 

Clarke's,  at  Medfield,  256. 

Clary,  Polly,  married,  208. 

Cleaveland,   Eben.,   Chaplain,  Kale's  betrayal,   168,   194-195. 

Clef,  Capt.,  210. 

Clinton,  George,  Gen.,  100;  scouting,  101. 

Clinton,  Henry,  Sir,  at  New  York,  121. 

Cobb,  M.,  student,  193. 

Cobble  Hill,  74,  83,  248,  254. 

Coit,  B.,  pupil,  78,  238. 

Coit,  Joseph,  Capt.,  237. 

Coit,  Thomas,  Dr.,  school  proprietor,  178,  236. 

Coit,  William,  Capt.,  Lexington  alarm,  66;  at  sea,  109,  189,  244;  prizes, 

246-247. 

Colchester,  Conn.,  252. 
Columbia  University,  battlefield,  104. 
"Common  Sense,"  Paine's,  83-84;  Robinson  on,  86-87,  91. 
Concord,  Mass.,  Harvard  at,  189. 
Congress,    Continental,    16,   40,    63,   79,    89;    independence,    90,    122,    142; 

Washington  at,  183;  Hale's  commission,  192;  monument,  266. 
Connecticut,  Assembly,  2;  towns,  2,  3,  5,  8 ;  deputies,  11,  16;  Journal,  34; 

schools,  41-42;    dragoons,  45n,  47,   59;    Lexington   alarm,   61-62,   63; 

troops,  66-67,  70,  79;  independence,  84;  tories,  91,  109,  HOn,  140,  147; 

militia,     149;     tories,     181;     soldiers,     218,     224;     Association,     233; 

councillors,  233,  234-235. 
Connecticut  Hall,  Yale,  20. 

"Conquest  of  Canaan,"  Dwight,  29,  87;  eulogy  of  Hale,  133-134,  138. 
Cooley,  D.,  student,  208. 
Coventry,   Conn.,   1,   2;    Hale's   birthplace,   3;   father  settles   at,  7,   8,   9; 

farm,  deputies  from,   11;   school,   12;  church,   13;   parsonage,   16,  26, 

57,  62;   record  on  Hale,  120;  gravestone,  132;  monument,   142,  147; 

150,  153-155,  167-168,  183,  193-194,  196-197;  tribute,  264-265. 
Coventry,  R.  I.,  school,  46n. 
Cutler,  T.,  student,  193. 


282  INDEX 

Daggett,  Naphtali,  Yale  President,  19. 

Daggett,  Thomas,  inn,  241  n. 

Davenport,  Abraham,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

Davenport,  John,  193. 

Day,  George  Parmly,  Treasurer,  Yale,  ix. 

Deane,  Silas,  vote  for  as  Chancellor,  234. 

Dedham,  Mass.,  71,  138,  240. 

Deerfield,  Mass.,  school,  208. 

Delancey,  Gen.,  Long  Island,  113. 

Dennis,  James,  soldier,  226. 

Deorrity,  soldier,  228. 

Derby,  Conn.,  67. 

Deshon,  Richard,  Capt.,  school  proprietor,  177. 

Dexter,  Franklin  B.,  Prof.,  Yale  in  1750  and  1907,  21;  Enoch  Hale,  54; 

Yale  Annals,  ix. 

Dodd,  Robert  H.,  Hale  material,  ix. 
Doolittle,  Col.,  247,  253. 
Dorchester  lines,  73 ;  Hale  visits,  241. 
Douglas,  N.,  New  London,  223,  237. 
Dove  Tavern,  N.  Y.,  Hale  executed  near,  126,  162-163. 
Duer,  William,  on  tories  and  spies,  129. 
Dunmore,  Gov.,  of  Virginia,  235,  254. 
Dupee's,  inn,  240. 
Dwight,  Samuel,  teacher,  42. 
Dwight,  Timothy,  tutor  at  Yale,  19,  54;  "Conquest  of  Canaan,"  29,  36; 

on  Hale,  36,  87;  Chaplain,  96;  tribute  to  Hale,  133-134,  191;  letter, 

217. 
Dyer,  Eliphalet,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

East  Haddam,  Conn.,  Kale's  school  at,  42;  described,  42-44,  175;  Kale's 

lodging,  45n ;  schoolhouse,  142,  268. 
East  Wilton,  N.  H.,  10. 
Edmonston,  Maj.,  British  spy,  169-170. 
Edwards,  Mr.,  Rev.,  92. 
Elderkin,  John,  Lieut,  258. 
Eli  [Ely],  Dr.,  surgeon,  182. 
Ellis's,  inn,  256. 
Ely,  Capt.,  in  camp,  210. 
Erskine,  Gen.,  Long  Island,  113. 
Essex  Journal,  Kale's  betrayal,  164. 
Evarts,  William  M.,  orator  Linonia,  143. 
Evelyn,  William,  Capt.,  British  officer,  and  Hale,  74. 
Ewing,  Gen.,  and  spies,  lOln. 

Fairchild,  J.,  student,  34. 
Fairfield,  Conn.,  41. 


INDEX  283 

Fellows,  Col.,  Dorchester  lines,  241. 

Field,  Cyrus  W.,  Andre  and  Hale  memorials,  147;  letter,  147. 

Finch,  F.  M.,  poem  on  Hale,  144-146. 

Fitch,  E.,  college  play,  33n. 

Fitch,  J.,  Yale  steward,  35. 

Flatbush,  L.  I.,  fighting  at,  257. 

Flint,  Royal,  34;  and  Hale,  242. 

Flushing,  L.  I.,  113. 

Forbs,  inn,  256. 

Fosdick,  T.  U.,  Hale's  sergeant,  95,  259;  attack  on  Phoenix,  149;  letter, 

218,  225,  228. 

Fox,  Louisa,  Hale's  pupil,  81. 
Fraser,  quartermaster,  251-252. 

Gates,  Adj.-Gen.,  orders,  88,  181. 

Gay,  Alice  M.,  Miss.,  Hale  transcripts,  ix. 

Gerhardt,  Karl,  sculptor  Hale  statue,  266. 

Gibson,  Roger,  school  proprietor,  177. 

Gilbert,  Jasper,  Hale  material,  56. 

Goodwin,  James  J.,  Hale  statue,  266. 

Goshen,  Conn.,  171. 

Gould,  W.,  student,  193. 

Gove,  Mable,  sewing  for  Hale,  81. 

Gratz,  Simon,  Hon.,  Hale  letters,  viii. 

Green,  James,  Capt.,  East  Haddam,  45n. 

Green,  Samuel,  pupil,  51. 

Green,  Timothy,  school  proprietor,  177;  engages  Hale,  45-47;  198;  letters 

to  Hale,  219-221. 

Greene,  Gen.,  letter  to,  from  President  Stiles,  46n. 
Greene,  Richard  H.,  Hale  relic,  45n. 
Green's,  inn,  88. 
Greenwich,  Conn.,  67. 
Gridley,  Isaac,  Hale's  roommate,  20. 

Griswold,  Matthew,  Gov.,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234;  in  camp,  242. 
Grosvenor's,  inn,  256. 
Groton,   Conn.,  67,  155n,   169. 
Gully  [Gurley],  W.,  student,  193;  in  camp,  245. 

Hale,  Arthur,  Mr.,  Hale  MSS.,  191n;  poem,  vid.  Bibliography. 

Hale,  Billy,  4,  197. 

Hale,  brothers  and  sisters  named,  3-4. 

Hale,  Coventry  homestead,  9,  lOn,  153. 

Hale,   David,  Rev.,   3;   pastor,   11,   54;   farm,   11;    David   H.,   nephew  of 

Nathan,   14. 
Hale,  Edward  E.,  Rev.,  Hale  correspondence,  ix,  149,  176,  183 ;  address, 

130n;  betrayal  story,  169;  vid.  Bibliography. 


284  INDEX 

Hale,  Elizabeth,  3;  marries,  49;  family,  83;  Hale  visits,  255. 

Hale,  Ellen  D.,  Hale  correspondence,  ix. 

Hale,  Enoch,  Rev.,  4;  at  college,  15,  25-26,  28,  31;  teacher,  42,  50; 
pastor,  54,  92;  M.  A.  degree,  92;  brother's  fate,  117;  diary  quoted, 
130;  brother's  capture,  161;  betrayal  story,  167-169,  196;  letter,  197. 

Hale,  John,  3,  lOn;  marries,  56;  Lexington  alarm,  62;  letter,  197. 

Hale,  John,  Rev.,  ancestor,  6. 

Hale,  Joseph,  4;  Lexington  alarm,  62;  in  army,  196. 

Hale,  Nathan,  letters  and  papers,  vii-x;  birth,  family,  1,  3;  ancestry, 
4-9;  homestead,  9,  lOn;  farm,  11;  school,  12;  church,  13;  death  of 
mother,  14;  recollections  of,  14;  college  preparation,  14;  our  special 
interest  in,  17;  at  Yale,  room,  friends,  18;  life,  father's  advice, 
expenses,  clothes,  studies,  25;  literary  tastes,  Tallmadge,  29,  30,  36; 
Linonia  Society,  31;  farewell  to  "Sirs,"  31,  184;  plays,  epilogue,  32; 
Commencement  exercises,  34;  college  friendships,  35;  description  and 
eulogy  of,  37,  39;  at  Portsmouth,  40;  schoolmaster  at  East  Haddam, 
42 ;  methods  and  society,  43  ;  at  New  London  school,  45 ;  correspond 
ence  on,  45-47;  proprietors,  48;  success  as  teacher,  48,  51-53;  letters 
from,  49;  friends,  50;  G.  Saltonstall,  53;  reengages  to  teach,  54; 
brothers  as  pastors,  54;  Alice  Adams,  56-58;  engaged  to  her,  love 
poem,  59;  her  qualities,  60;  war  opens,  61;  Parson  Peters,  62; 
speech  on  independence,  65;  army  commission,  67;  advice  from  Tall 
madge,  68 ;  resigns  school,  69 ;  recruiting,  70 ;  marches  to  Boston, 
73;  Camp  Winter  Hill,  incidents,  73-74;  described  in  verse,  75; 
Harvard  "domes,"  75;  duties,  76;  correspondence,  77;  remains  in 
service,  new  company,  79;  furlough,  80;  at  home,  81;  returns  to 
camp,  81;  "Common  Sense"  and  independence,  83;  marches  to  New 
York,  88;  camp,  90;  tories,  army,  91;  M.  A.  diploma,  92;  battle, 
Long  Island,  93;  Hale  not  engaged,  95;  promise  as  a  soldier,  95; 
with  "Knowlton's  Rangers,"  102;  approached  on  spy  service,  104; 
Hull's  advice,  106;  Kale's  reply,  107;  Washington's  instructions, 
108n;  in  enemy's  lines,  108,  111;  disguise,  111;  risks,  113;  observa 
tions,  114;  suspected  and  executed,  115;  news  of  his  fate,  116;  place 
of  capture,  119;  examined  by  Howe,  121;  his  "full  confession,"  122; 
Cunningham,  123;  Montressor  and  Hull  on  execution,  124;  hanged 
at  Dove  Tavern,  126;  last  moments  and  words,  127-129;  indignation 
at  headquarters,  129;  father's  grief,  130;  Enoch's  account,  131; 
Coventry  inscription,  132;  Andre's  case,  133;  Dwight's  eulogy,  134; 
preservation  of  Hale's  memory,  135;  compared  with  Andre,  136-138; 
Hannah  Adarns  on,  138;  writers  and  historians  on,  142;  college 
remembrance,  143;  poem  by  F.  M.  Finch,  144;  statue  at  Yale, 
146;  remembrance  at  New  York,  letter  from  Cyrus  W.  Field, 
147;  New  York  statue,  148;  Hale's  last  letter,  149;  the  Asia 
episode,  150;  miniature  of,  151;  description,  profile,  152-153; 
Hempstead's  account  of,  154;  place  of  capture,  157;  site  of  execu 
tion,  161;  new  map,  162;  betrayal  of,  164;  first  account,  164; 


INDEX  285 

Samuel  Hall,  the  tory  cousin,  165;  hearsay  versions,  167;  father's 
letter  on,  167;  Hale  namesake,  171;  Hale  correspondence,  175- 
239.  [Vid.  title  below,  "Letters"  to  and  from  Hale,  with  sum 
mary  of  contents.]  Hale's  commission,  192;  Linonia  minutes,  193; 
army  diary,  240;  company  officers,  258;  tributes,  260;  memorials, 
266;  bibliography,  270. 

Hale,  Richard,  Nathan's  father;  birth,  marriage,  3-5;  at  Coventry,  7; 
deacon  and  deputy,  11;  farm,  11;  advice  to  sons,  25-26;  grief  over 
Nathan's  fate,  130;  on  the  betrayal  story,  167;  letters  from,  194-196. 

Hale,  Robert,  first  settler,  5. 

Hale,  Samuel,  Nathan's  grandfather,  7. 

Hale,  Samuel,  uncle,  Portsmouth,  7,  40;  Nathan  visits,  40;  letter  to,  49; 
rejects  betrayal  story,  169;  letter  on,  from  Deacon  Hale,  196. 

Hale,  Samuel,  Portsmouth,  loyalist  cousin,  121;  charged  with  betrayal, 
164-169;  sketch  of,  165-166;  letter  on,  196. 

Hale,  William,  Hon.,  on  Nathan,  40. 

Halifax,  British  sail  to,  82,  181. 

Halifax,  ship,  connected  with  Hale's  capture,  off  New  Rochelle,  101; 
off  Huntington,  110,  160;  log  of,  llln,  159. 

Hall,  Capt.,  242. 

Hall,  Lieut.-Col.  of  Hale's  regiment,  242-249. 

Hall,  student,  193. 

Hallam,  Edward,  226;  writes  to  Hale,  243. 

Hallam,  John,  New  London,  letters  to  Hale,  80,  221-224,  180,  242-243; 
in  camp,  244,  248 ;  Hale  writes  to,  249. 

Hallam,  Mrs.  and  Betsey,  compliments  to  Hale,  222,  245. 

Hamilton,  Alex.,  Capt.,  and  Hale,  with  flag  of  truce,  116,  117n. 

Hamilton,  British  countersign,  244. 

Hamlin,  Jabez,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

Hammon,  Isaac,  soldier,  250. 

Hammons,  inn,  255. 

Hancock,  John,  President  of  Congress,  house  not  despoiled  by  British, 
83;  signs  Hale's  commission,  192,  232. 

Hanoverian  troops  for  America,  221. 

Hanover,  N.  H.,  52n. 

Harlem  Heights,  battle,   104,  115. 

Hartford  comrades,  on  Hale,  141. 

Hartford,  county  towns,  41,  51,  56;  statues  at,  266. 

Hartford  Courant  and  "Common  Sense,"  84;  Hale  letter,  196n. 

Harvard,  College,  commencement,  24n ;   Hale  on,  75,  189. 

Hastings,  Mrs.,  and  Alice  Adams,  152. 

Hatch,  William,  soldier,  250;  dies,  251. 

Hatfield,  Mass.,  208. 

Havemeyer,  W.  F.,  Hale  letters,  ix,  87n. 

Hays,  student,  193. 


286  INDEX 

Heath,  Gen.,  Hale  in  brigade  of,  marches  to  New  York,  88-90,  180; 
memoir  quoted,  90;  Washington  to,  on  spies,  100-101. 

Hebron,  Conn.,  and  Parson  Peters,  62,   176. 

Hempstead,  L.  I.,  113. 

Hempstead,  Sergeant,  96;  attends  Hale,  108;  account  of  Hale's  attempt 
and  fate,  120,  154-157,  160,  227,  231,  235,  254;  in  Hale's  company, 
259. 

Hewit,  Reuben,  Sergeant  Hale's  company,  258. 

Hill's,  inn,  256. 

Hillard,  Ensign  in  Hale's  company,  239,  258. 

Hillhouse,  James,  classmate,  Yale  treasurer,  146;  writes  to  Hale,  203. 

Hoadley,  George  E.,  Hartford,  possessor  of  Hale  poem,  ix,  191 ;  receipts 
of  Hale's  soldiers,  82n;  Alice  Adams  relics,  191n. 

Holmes,  Abiel,  "Annals"  and  Hale,  140. 

Holmes,  John,  soldier,  250. 

Holt,  John,  225. 

Hopkins,  Commodore,  at  Philadelphia,  235. 

Hopkins'  Grammar  School,  New  Haven,  42. 

Hosmer,  Titus,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

Howe,  Frank  L.,  Hale  letter,  196n. 

Howe,  Joseph,  tutor  at  Yale,  19 ;  death  of,  245. 

Howe,  Sir  William,  Gen.,  evacuates  Boston,  82;  opens  campaign  at  New 
York,  93 ;  battle  of  Long  Island,  93-95 ;  headquarters,  121 ;  orders 
Hale's  execution,  115,  122,  124-125,  131,  116-119;  Provost-Marshal 
Cunningham,  123,  127-128,  130,  251;  camp  at  New  York,  162. 

Hoyt,  Captain,  250. 

Hubbard,  Russell,  Captain,  school  proprietor,  178. 

Hubbel,  Captain,  248-250. 

Hull,  William,  Captain,  Hale's  close  friend,  67-68,  97;  advises  Hale  to 
decline  spy  service,  106-107;  learns  of  his  fate,  117-118;  account  of 
his  capture  and  execution,  124-125,  139-140;  compliments  to,  218, 
225-229,  235,  238;  Hale  mentions,  244,  249,  253. 

Humphrey,  Daniel,  teacher,  42. 

Humphrey,  Marvin's  pupil,  Norwich,  202. 

Humphreys,  David,  42,  87. 

Huntington,  Andrew,  Norwich,  83. 

Huntington,  Ebenezer,  Lieut.,  218. 

Huntington,  Jedediah,  Col.,  evacuation  of  Boston,  83;  death  of  wife,  251. 

Huntington,  Joseph,  Rev.,  Hale's  pastor  and  teacher,  16;  recommenda 
tion  from,  45,  219;  Hale  calls  on,  255. 

Huntington,  Long  Island,  Hale  crosses  to,  109-111;  place  of  capture,  157- 
161 ;  memorial  at,  267. 

Huntington,  Samuel,  Hon.,  16;  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

Hurlbut,  George,  Sergt.,  Hale's  company,  235,  258;  Ensign,  81,  95,  219, 
223,  247,  250-252,  258 ;  camp  letters,  224-228. 


INDEX  287 

Independence,  Hale  on,  63-65;  supposed  speech  on,  66;  Paine's  ''Common 
Sense,"  83-84;  Robinson  on,  85-87;  Declaration  of,  read  to  the  troops, 
90-91. 

Independent  Chronicle,  Boston,  on  Hale,  136. 

Jackson's,  inn,  255. 

Jacobs',  inn,  255-256. 

Jamaica,  L.  I.,  113. 

Jamaica  Plain,  Mass.,  256. 

Johnson,  Guy,  221;  reported  killed,  231,  241. 

Johnson,  Mathias,  with  enemy's  escort,  dead,  221. 

Johnson,  William  S.,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

Jones',  inn,  255. 

Jones,  Thomas,  Judge,  denounces  his  College,  25. 

Joshua,  Mohegan  Sachem,  and  the  Coventry  tract,  2. 

Judson,  Andrew  T.,  Hon.,  address  on  Hale,  Coventry,  13,  143. 

Kane,  Grenville,  Hale  letter,  ix,  50n. 

Keith's,  inn,  255. 

Kelby,  Robert  H.,  librarian,  Hale  material,  ix. 

Kelby,  William,  site  of  Kale's  execution,  118n,  164n. 

Keyes',  inn,  255. 

Keyes,  classmate,  34,  201. 

Kindal's,  inn,  255. 

Kingsbury,  Deacon,  Coventry,  245,  255. 

Knapp,  Prof.,  on  Hale,  140. 

Knowlton,  Thomas,  Col.,  organizes  "Rangers,"  102;  Hale  joins,  102-103; 
Washington  and,  104;  Hale  and  spy  service,  104-105;  death  in 
battle,  Harlem  Heights,  104;  Hull's  reference  to,  139. 

Lady  Spencer,  ship,  11  On. 

Lafayette,  Gen.,  and  Hale,  137. 

Lafayette,  Gen.,  on  Hale,  137. 

Lane,  Mr.,  tailor,  Coventry,  81. 

Lathrop,  9. 

Latimer,  Jonathan,  Major  of  Hale's  regiment,  67,  81,  222,  240,  250-257. 

Latimer,  Mrs.,  227;  compliments  to  Hale,  229-230. 

Latimer,  Robert,  Hale's  pupil,  52-53;  letters  to  Hale,  228-230;  in  camp, 
250. 

Law,  Richard,  Judge,  school  proprietor,  177,  220;  vote  for  as  Coun 
cillor,  234. 

Lawrence,  William,  marries  Alice  Adams,  60. 

Learned,  Mr.,  Rev.,  preaches  in  camp,  244. 

Leavenworth,  Capt.,  201,  241-254. 

Lebanon,  Conn.,  47,  197. 

Lechmere's  Point,  73,  254. 


288  INDEX 

Ledyard,  Ebenezer,  New  London  Committee,  234. 

Lee,  Charles,  Gen.,  Hale  visits,  76,  251;  at  New  York,  82,  245,  249,  251. 

Leggett,  William,  on  Hale,  141. 

Leonard,  S.,  student,  193. 

Letters  from  Hale — to  his  uncle,  family  items,  school  described,  49 ;  to 
his  brother  Enoch,  army  news,  attack  on  the  Phoenix,  149 ;  to  class 
mate,  Mead,  East  Haddam,  correspondence,  school,  175 ;  to  his 
brother,  liberty-pole,  Parson  Peters,  176;  to  Dr.  Munson,  his  school, 
177;  to  school  proprietors,  notice  of  meeting,  177;  to  same,  resigns 
position,  178;  to  Miss  Christophers,  friendly  note,  179;  to  his 
brother,  army  situation  at  New  York,  critical  period,  180;  to  same, 
with  similar  contents,  family  references,  182;  Linonia  Valedictory, 
184;  to  classmate  Tallmadge,  lively  vein,  in  rhyme,  186;  to  (un 
known),  description  of  his  camp,  Washington,  Harvard,  etc.,  188; 
to  his  affianced,  Alicia,  love  sentiments,  in  poetry,  190;  to  W.  Salton- 
stall,  school  bill,  191. 

Letters  to  Hale — from  classmate  Tallmadge,  Hale  in  love,  58 ;  from 
classmate  Robinson,  friendly,  the  King,  Paine's  ''Common  Sense," 
independence,  85 ;  three  notes  from  his  father,  advice,  expenses, 
clothes,  etc.,  194-195;  from  brother  Enoch,  personal  items,  197;  from 
brother  John,  illness  at  home,  E.  Ripley's  estate,  197;  from  class 
mate  Alden,  Fast  day,  198-199;  reflections,  199;  Kale's  indifference, 
wishes  to  enter  the  army,  200-201 ;  from  classmate  Marvin,  Norwich, 
quarter  day  at  his  school,  202 ;  news  items,  the  Pennymites,  203 ; 
company  drill,  204;  Hale's  "other  self,"  poetry,  204-205;  lack  of  army 
discipline,  206;  dislikes  teaching,  America  and  Britain,  207;  from 
Robinson,  his  school,  Cooley's  marriage,  208  ;  from  classmate  Selden, 
the  fighting  at  Roxbury,  210;  from  classmate  Tallmadge,  reply  to 
Hale's  criticisms,  212-213;  his  school  at  Wethersfield,  214;  advice  to 
Hale  on  joining  the  army,  215-216;  from  Mr.  Dwight,  appreciative 
of  Hale,  "Conquest  of  Canaan,"  217;  from  Thomas  U.  Fosdick,  de 
cides  to  join  army,  218;  three  notes  from  Timothy  Green,  invitation 
to  teach  at  New  London,  219-220;  from  John  Hallam,  news  from 
New  London,  Dr.  Church,  221;  fortifying  the  town,  223-224;  from 
Ensign  Hurlbut,  soldiers  returning,  cool  reception  of,  alarm,  224- 
225;  the  soldiers,  fortifying,  226;  Bunker  Hill  picket,  camp  items, 
227-228;  from  Robert  Latimer,  Hale's  pupil,  obligations  to  his 
teacher,  229;  from  D.  Mumford,  brief,  230;  from  G.  Saltonstall, 
seven  letters,  sends  war  news,  231;  Hale's  exposed  camp,  marine 
events,  232;  military  affairs  at  New  London,  233-234;  fortifying, 
Dr.  Church,  the  King's  address,  vote  for  Councillors,  234-235;  con 
duct  of  Connecticut  soldiers,  236;  excitement  in  town,  237;  genius 
of  the  people,  238;  from  Church  and  Hallam,  New  York  business 
matter,  239;  from  Lieut.  Belcher,  recruiting  at  Stonington,  239; 
from  Tallmadge,  school  items,  269. 


INDEX  289 

Lexington  alarm,  61 ;  Hale  and,  65-66,  69. 

Liberty-pole,  New  London,  62;  New  York,  176. 

Linonia,  Yale  Society,  Hale  secretary  of,  31;  exercises,  31-32;  comedies, 

31-33;   anniversary  of,  143;  library,  146;   Kale's  farewell  to  "Sirs," 

184;  minutes,  193. 

Livingston,  William,  Gen.,  and  spies,  100. 
Lockwood,  Mr.,  214. 
Lockwood,  Mrs.,  Wethersfield,  214. 
"London  Remembrancer,"  on  Hale,  136. 
Long  Island,  Hale  stationed  on,  91;  battle  of,  93-94;   Hale  not  engaged 

in,  95;  Washington  and  situation  after,  98-101. 
"Long  Island  Star,"  Hempstead  on  Hale,  154. 
Louisburg,  siege,  40. 
Lounsbury,  Gov.,  Hale  statue,  264. 
Lyman,  G.  C.,  student,  193,  255. 
Lyman,  J.,  tutor  at  Yale,  19. 
Lyme,  Hale  at,  57,  67,  197,  231,  259. 

Mackduel,  David,  New  London,  226. 

MacMonnies,  F.,  sculptor,  statue  of  Hale,  148,  267. 

MacMullen,  John,  tribute  to  Hale,  263. 

McDougall,  Gen.,  Hale  in  brigade  of,  90,  257. 

Manly,  Capt.,  captures  prize,  254. 

Mann's,  inn,  88. 

Martin,  Gov.,  235. 

Marvin,    Elihu,   classmate,    42,    50,    57;    Kale's    engagement,    59,    78;    at 

Norwich,  81;  joins  the  army,  96,  151;  letters  to  Hale,  201-207. 
Mary  and  John,  ship,  8. 

Matthews,  Mr.,  Hon.,  Continental  Congress,  254. 
Maynard,  L.,  Hale's  drummer,   80,  228. 
Mead,  Thomas,  classmate,  34-35;  Hale  to,  50,  175,  193. 
Medcaff,  Mr.  175. 
Mercer,  H.,  Gen.,  and  spies,  100. 
Merlin,  ship,  109,  159. 
Merwin,  N.,  student,  193. 

Mifflin,  Maj.,  232;  Col.  and  quartermaster,  252. 
Milford,  Conn.,  67. 

Millaly,  Michael,  Capt,  school  proprietor,  178. 
Miller,  Jeremiah,  school  proprietor,  178. 
Minard,  J.,  soldier,  250. 
Mohegans,  and  the  Coventry  tract,  1-2. 
Montgomery,  Gen.,  242. 

Montgomery,  James  M.,  Hale  statue  at  New  York,  148. 
Montgomery,  sloop,  109-111. 
Montreal,  227. 


2go  INDEX 

Montressor,  John,  Capt.,  word  of  Kale's  execution,  116-117;   account  of, 

124-125;  quarters  of,  163. 
Moodus    (East  Haddam),  Conn.,  Hale  at,  42,  175-176;  Robinson,  44-45, 

208. 

Morgan,  Forrest,  tribute  to  Hale,  264. 
Mumford,  David,  Capt.,  school  trustee,  178. 
Mumford,  David,  Jr.,  letter  to  Hale,  230,  234,  244,  245. 
Mumford,  Mr.,  224-225;  Dr.  M.,  232. 
Mumford,  Robinson,  Capt.,  school  trustee,  177. 
Mumford,  Thomas,  school  trustee,  178,  233. 
Munson,  Dr.,  and  Hale,  38-39,  70,  143,  152. 
Murray,  Gen.,  221. 

Nevins,  Mr.,  207;  Ensign  N.,  231. 

New  Defence,  ship,  llOn. 

New  Haven,  Conn.,  26,  38,  41;  schools  at,  42;  soldiers,  67;  Hale  at,  69,  70. 

New  London,  Conn.,  Hale's  school,  45,  47;  Grammar  school,  48;  families, 
48,  51-53;  history,  52,  54;  liberty-pole,  62;  Gazette,  63,  65;  public 
meeting,  65;  Lexington  alarm,  66;  recruiting  at,  70;  troops  march, 
71,  77-78,  80,  81;  Gazette,  84;  troops  at,  88;  Washington  at,  89; 
Hale's  letters  from,  175-179;  Union  School  proprietors,  177,  195-196; 
letters  from,  to  Hale,  with  local  items,  220-237;  alarm,  trenches  at, 
222;  recruiting,  223-224;  fortifying,  225,  231-232;  powder  at,  233; 
Saltonstall's  company,  233;  military  committee,  234;  alarm  and 
confusion,  236;  town  spirit,  237;  schoolhouse,  267. 

Newtown,  L.  I.,  113. 

Newtown,  Mass.,  255. 

New  York,  military  base,  82;  army  marches  to,  88;  defense  of,  89;  camps, 
90,  92;  enemy  arrive,  93;  problems  and  anxieties,  98;  Howe  cap 
tures,  103,  112-113;  Hale,  spy  at,  113-115;  captured  and  executed  at, 
115,  120;  British  quarters,  121,  123;  Dove  tavern,  site  of  execution, 
126;  statue  at,  147-148;  158,  160,  161-164,  180,  182,  234,  238,  267. 

Niger,  ship,  log  of,  159. 

Niles,  Capt,  in  armed  schooner,  221,  232. 

Niles  Register,  on  Hale,  140. 

Northampton,  Mass.,  8,  19. 

Norwalk,  Conn.,  67;  Hale  crosses  from,  108-111,  119,  155-156. 

Norwich,  Conn.,  school,  42,  46,  92;  Marvin's  letters  to  Hale  from,  201- 
207. 

Norwalk,  Conn.,  Hale  crosses  from,  108,  110-111,  156;  memorial  at,  268. 

Norwich,  Conn.,  Hale  at,  81,  88,  92;  Marvin  at,  201n;  letters  from,  201- 
207. 

Olney's,  inn,  240. 

Onderdonk,  Henry,  on  Hale,  11  In,  142,  158. 

Owen,  John,  teacher,  New  London,  48. 


INDEX  291 

Packwood,  Joseph,  Capt,  school  proprietor,  177. 
Packwood,  Wm.,  Capt.,  school  proprietor,  177,  221,  223. 
Page,  Joseph,  Kale's  sergeant,  258. 

Paine,  Thomas,  "Common  Sense,"  83-84;  Robinson  on,  86,  87,  91. 
Parker,  Sir  Hyde,  attack  on  the  "Phoenix,"  150. 
Parker's,  inn,  240,  256. 
Parliament,  63  ;  Robinson  on,  85,  181. 

Parsons,  S.  H.,  Col.,  183,  209n;  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234,  245. 
Partridge,  William  O.,  sculptor,  Hale  statue,  267. 
Peake,  Alvan,  precocious  pupil,  43-44. 
Pennymites,  203. 
Pequots,  61. 

Percy,  Earl,  at  New  York,  121,  162. 
Perrit,  Capt.,  of  Milford,  110,  218,  241,  242. 
Peters,  Samuel,  Rev.,  treatment  of,  62 ;  Hale  on,  176. 
Phoenix,  ship,  attack  on,  149,  150. 
Philip,  King,  61. 
Pirkin's,  inn,  256. 

Pitkin,  William,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 
Pixley,  E.,  student,  play,  33. 
Plaindealer,  on  Hale,  141. 
Ploughed  Hill,  Hale  at,  73,  248. 
Pomfret,  Conn.,  inn  at,  256. 

Pond,  Charles,  Capt.,  conveys  Hale  to  Huntington,   108-110,  155;   246. 
Poole,  Elizabeth,  Hale  as  teacher,  51-52n. 
Poole,  Thomas,  published,  243. 
Porter,  Noah,  Yale  President,  27. 
Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  Hale  at,  40,  49,  162,  165-166. 
Pounce,  Norwich  pupil,  202. 
Pratt,  Bela,  sculptor,  Hale  statue,  146,  267-268. 
Prentis,  Sergeant,  250. 
Princeton  College,  drama  at,  33n. 
Prospect  Hill,  73,  77;  wrestling  match,  244,  247. 
Providence,  R.  I.,  Hale  marches  through,  71,  88,  240. 
Putnam,    Gen.,   Hale   visits,    76;    former    ranger,    102;    Hale's   execution, 
116-117n;  in  camp,  Cambridge,  190,  244-245,  252,  254. 

Quarme,  Capt,  brig  Halifax,  110-111;  Hale's  capture,  158,  160. 
Quarter  Day,  at  Yale,  33;   at  Marvin's  school,  51,  202. 
Quebec,  13,  253. 

Randall,  J.  W.,  tribute  to  Hale,  262. 

Randolph,  Peyton,  death  of,  245. 

Read,  William  A.,  possessor  of  Hale  material,  ix. 

Reed,  Deacon,  Uxbridge,  255-256. 

Reed,  Joseph,  Adj.-Gen.,  and  Hale,  116. 


292  INDEX 

Rehoboth,  Mass.,  Hale  marches  through,  71,  240. 

Remblington,  drummer,  228. 

Richards,  Guy,   Capt.,  school  proprietor,  177;  R.,  Jr.,  257. 

Richards,  John,  48,  53n;  school  proprietor,  177,  204,  215,  217. 

Ripley,  Elijah,  marries  Alice  Adams,  57;   estate,  196. 

Ripley,  Mrs.,  see  Alice  Adams. 

Robertson,  Daniel,  246. 

Robertson,  Patrick,  226. 

Robinson,  aunt,  255. 

Robinson,  Capt.,  255. 

Robinson,    William,    Rev.,    classmate,    26;     Commencement,    34;    Hale's 

friend,  35,  42,  50,  54,  58;   letter  on  "Common  Sense,"  84-87;   Hale's 

capture,  11  In;  to  Hale,  208. 
Rogers,  teacher,  46n. 
Rogers,  Robert,  old  ranger,  102. 

Rogers,  William,  Capt.,  sloop  Montgomery,  109-llOn. 
Root,  Ephraim,  inn,  198. 
Rose,  Dr.,  49. 

Rose,  Samuel,  marries  Hale's  sister,  49,  255. 
Roseter,  Dr.,  242. 
Roxbury,  Mass.,  71 ;  Hale  visits,  camps  at,  75,  82,  87,  180,  188,  241,  243, 

254,  256. 

"Rule  Brittania,"  American  version,  65. 
Rutgers'  orchard,  N.  Y.,  Hale's  execution,  126,  161. 

Sage,  Col.,  221,  242;  Lieut.  S.,  255. 

Salmon  Brook,  Conn.,  15,  131. 

Saltonstall,  Dudley,  Capt.,  navy,  77,  80,  224,  226,  237. 

Saltonstall,  Gilbert,  friend  and  correspondent,  53,  57,  77;  joins  army, 
96;  letters  to  Hale,  231-237,  242,  245,  257;  Hale  writes  to,  243,  249. 

Saltonstall,  Gurdon,  Col.,  Gilbert's  father,  96,  218,  233,  237. 

Saltonstall,  N.,  Lieut.,  navy,  224. 

Saltonstall,  Winthrop,  school  proprietor,  177,  191. 

Saltonstall,  W.  W.,  on  Hale,  52n. 

Sampson,  Ezra,  Rev.,  28,  35,  86-87. 

Sargent,  Winthrop,  Andre  and  Hale,  137n. 

Saybrook,  Conn.,  67. 

Schools  in  Connecticut,  1773,  Trumbull  on,  41 ;  district,  grammar  and 
private,  41-42;  Humphrey's,  42;  Hale's,  East  Haddam,  43-45;  Wood 
stock,  43 ;  Union  School,  48 ;  Owen's,  New  London,  48 ;  proprietors, 
177-178;  Alden's,  198;  Marvin's,  202,  206-207;  Robinson's  and  E. 
Hale's,  208;  Tallmadge's,  214,  219-221. 

Schuyler,  Philip,  Gen.,  231. 

Schuyler,  Pond's  sloop,  captures  prizes,  109-llOn;  Hale  crosses  to  Hunt- 
ington  in,  110-113;  Hempstead's  mention,  155. 

Scott,  Thomas,  Capt,  British  spy,  170. 


INDEX  293 

Seabury,  David,  merchant,  New  York,  239. 

Selden,  Ezra,  35;  in  army,  97;  letter  to  Hale,  209. 

Seymour,  George  D.,  Hale  letters,  ix,  230,  269. 

Shaw,   Nathaniel,   Jr.,   school   proprietor,    178 ;    New  London   Committee, 

234;  Shaw's  "Neck,"  234,  239. 
Sheldon,  E.  B.,  Miss,  and  Alice  Adams,  152n. 
Sheldon,  Elisha,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 
Sheldon,  J.  A.,  poem  on  Hale,  143. 
Shelton,  message  to,  214. 
Sherburne,  Mr.,  house  in  Boston,  83. 
Sherman,  Daniel,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 
Sherman,  Isaac,  in  army,  97. 
Sherman,  Judge,  26,  194. 
Sherman,  Roger,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 
Shipman,  Capt.,  Kale's  regiment,  241. 
Silliman,  Benjamin,  Prof.,  and  Hale  monument,  143. 
Slack,  Eliphalet,  inn,  240. 
Smith,  George  D.,  Hale  poem,  ix,  190. 
Smith,  Mr.,  Rev.,  sermon  in  camp,  241. 
Sons  of  American  Revolution,  Hale  schoolhouse,  268. 
Sons  of  Revolution,  Hale  statue,  N.  Y.,  148,  267;  schoolhouse,  268. 
Sparks,  Jared,  on  Hale,  142. 
Spencer,    Joseph,    Gen.,    Hale   visits   in   camp,    76;    dined   with,    241;    in 

brigade  of,  180-182;  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234,  245,  254,  256. 
Spies,  officers  as,  169-170. 
Sprague,  Dr.  Rev.,  Hale  material,  230n. 
St.  Paul,  Hale  statue  at,  267. 
Stamford,  Conn.,  67;  crossing  place,  131,  156n. 
Stanley,  Dean,  Andre  memorial,  147. 
Staten  Island,  British  army  at,  93. 

Sterling,  Lord,  Gen.,  Hale  in  brigade  of,  90,  180,  182. 
Stewart,  Duncan,  school  proprietor,   177. 
Stiles,  Ezra,  Yale  President,  to  Gen.  Greene,  46n. 
Stokes,  Anson  Phelps,  possessor  of  Hale  letters,  viii. 
Stone's,  inn,  255. 
Stonington,  Conn.,  67;   alarm  at,  70,  203,  223,  232;   Hale   recruits  from, 

239. 

Strayton's,  inn,  255. 
Strong,   Elizabeth,    Hale's   mother,   birth    and   marriage,    3,    5 ;    qualities, 

8,  11;  Nathan's  education,  14-15;  death  of,  14.     Elizabeth  S.,  Hale's 

grandmother,  qualities,  7-8,  9,  183. 
Strong,  Elnathan,  settles  in  Connecticut,  8. 
Strong,  John,  Elder,  Hale's  ancestor,  earliest  settler,  8. 
Strong,    Joseph,    Coventry    settler,    8;    Rev.    Joseph,    14;    chaplain,    96; 

cousin  Joseph,  247. 
Strong,    Nathan,   Hale   named   after,    4;    Rev.   Nathan,    Coventry  pastor, 


294  INDEX 

15,  255;  Rev.  Nathan,  latter's  son,  15;  tutor  at  Yale,  19,  54;  chap 
lain,  96. 

Strong,  Phineas,  63. 

Strong,  Preserved,  9. 

Strong  homestead,  Coventry,  9. 

Strongs,  The,  Kale's  ancestry,  5,  8-10. 

Stuart,  I.  W.,  biography  of  Hale,  vii;  quoted,  11-12;  Hale  volunteering 
as  a  spy,  105n,  142,  266. 

Sullivan,  Gen.,  Hale  in  brigade  of,  71,  180-182,  241;  visits  to,  76,  247, 
250-252,  256. 

Sunderland,  Mass.,  school,  208. 

Susquehannah  purchase,  dispute  over,  203. 

Syren,  British  ship,  109,  159. 

Tallmadge,  Benjamin,  classmate  and  schoolmaster,  15,  42;  as  to  Hale's 
college  room,  20n,  213;  the  Berkeley  prize,  28;  corresponds  with 
Hale  in  college,  29-30,  211-214;  on  Commencement  stage,  34;  friend 
ship  for  Hale,  35-36;  school  at  Wethersfield,  42;  describes  it,  51,  53n, 
214;  charges  Hale  with  being  in  love,  58;  advises  Hale  as  to  enter 
ing  the  service,  68-69;  joins  the  army,  96;  reminds  Andre  of  Hale's 
fate,  132;  letter  from  Hale  in  rhyme,  30,  186;  public  services  of, 
21  In;  letter  to  Hale,  school  items,  269. 

Tallmadge,  Frederick  S.,  and  Hale  statue,  148. 

Temple's  house,  248. 

Thompson,  B.  F.,  historian,  on  Hale,  142;  place  of  his  capture,  158,  160. 

Thomson,  Gen.,  181-182. 

Thomson,  Charles,  Secretary  of  Congress,  attests  Hale's  Captain's  com 
mission,  192. 

Tilghman,  T.,  aid  to  Washington,  flag  of  truce  and  Hale's  execution, 
117;  on  spies  and  Hale's  case,  129-130. 

Tisdale,  Nathan,  noted  schoolmaster,  Norwich,  47,  54. 

Tolbot,  Daniel,  privateersman,  253. 

Tracy,  Phineas,  teacher,  46-47,  219,  221. 

Trenton,  New  Jersey,  lOln. 

Trumbull,  Gov.,  and  school  in  Connecticut,  41 ;  Norwich  school  pro 
prietor,  47;  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

Trumbull,  John,  tutor  at  Yale,  19;  "Progress  of  Dulness"  quoted,  44. 

Trumbull,  Joseph,  Col.,  illness  of,  243;  on  trial,  254. 

Turner,  Samuel,  241. 

Turtle  Bay,  New  York,  Hale  lands  at,  88;  artillery  park  at,  126,  162-163. 

Tuttle,  Captain,  243. 

Union   School,   New   London,   Hale   invited  to,  45-47;   takes  charge,  47; 

proprietors  of,  48,  177-178;  described  by  Hale,  49;  his  success,  50-54; 

resigns,  69,  178-179. 
Uxbridge,  Mass.,  Hale  stops  at,  256. 


INDEX  295 

Vandervert,  Mr.,  powder  at  Philadelphia,  224. 

Van  Vleck,  Mr.,  merchant,  New  York,  239. 

Van  Wyke,  Capt.,  killed,  257. 

Varnum,  Col.,  Hale  and  "Young's  memoirs,"  246;  250. 

Vassell,  Col.,  loyalist,  Cambridge,  Hale  on,  189;  Widow  V.,  189. 

Virginia,  Fairfax  Co.,  war  meeting,  Washington  presides,  64. 

Waldo,  Dr.,  Kale's  betrayal,  131,  167. 

Wallace,  Commodore,  British  navy,  232,  237,  242. 

Walpole,  Mass.,  71,  240. 

Ward,  A.,  Col.,  149. 

Ward,  James,  226. 

Warner,  Chas.  D.,  address  on  Hale,  266. 

Warren,  James,  oration  by,  64. 

Warren,  Mrs.,  historian,  on  Hale,  140. 

Washington,  Gen.,  war  meeting,  64;  college  escort,  70n;  commands  at 
Boston,  70,  73;  Hale's  reference  to,  75;  new  army,  79;  permits 
furloughs,  80,  83  ;  sends  army  to  New  York,  88-89 ;  force,  93  ;  battle 
of  Long  Island,  94,  96;  anxieties,  98-99;  letters  from,  100-101;  the 
"Rangers,"  102;  Knowlton,  104-105;  Hale,  108n,  112,  116;  to  Howe, 
117;  Hale's  case,  129;  Knowlton  and  Hale,  139,  155,  165,  181,  188, 
243  ;  officers'  petition  to,  245. 

Waterman,  Capt.,  201-202. 

Waterman's,  inn,  240. 

Waterous,  Josiah,  New  London  Committee,  234. 

Watertown,  Mass.,  75,  188,  255. 

Webb,  Charles,  Col.,  Hale  joins  regiment  of,  67;  recruited  from  coast 
towns,  67;  ordered  to  Boston  camp,  70-71;  stationed  at  Winter  Hill, 
73;  regiment,  Nineteenth  Foot,  79;  marches  to  New  York,  88;  camp 
at,  90;  on  Long  Island,  91;  not  engaged  in  battle,  95;  Enoch  Hale 
visits  regiment,  131;  ordered  northward,  countermanded,  181-182; 
referred  to,  242-256. 

Webb,  Charles,  Lieut,  96;  in  Hale's  company,  259. 

Webb,  Samuel  B.,  aid  to  Washington,  on  Hale's  fate,  117,  131,  161,  235. 

Welch,  M.,  student,  193. 

Westhampton,  Mass.,  Enoch  Hale  pastor  at,  54. 

Wethersfield,  Conn.,  Tallmadge  at,  42,  51,  53,  68,  117,  214,  217;  Hale 
refers  to,  187. 

Whitestone  Bay,   159. 

Whiting's,  inn,  241n,  256. 

Whitney,  Capt.,  249. 

Whittemore,   Samuel,  New  London,  234. 

Whittlesey,   Mr.,  Rev.,   92. 

Whittlesey,  Ensign,  254. 

Wieners,  Godfrey,  Maj.,  Hale  letters,  ix. 

Williams  College,  33n. 


296  INDEX 

Williams,  E.,  35;  letter  to  Hale,  69,  193. 

Williams,  Nat.,  226. 

Williams,  William,  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 

Windham,  Conn.,  Hale  at,  81;  Sons  of  Liberty  of,  176,  256. 

Windsor,  Conn.,  8;  Robinson  at,  42;  E.  Hale  near,  42;  Wolcott  family, 

East  Windsor,  58n. 
Winter  Hill,  camp  near  Boston,  Hale  at,  71,  73,  180-182,  222-223,  227; 

point  of  danger,  77;  stumped  by  Prospect  Hill,  77;   Hale  refers  to, 

241-256. 

Winthrop,  John,  New  London,  48;  school  proprietor,  177. 
Winthrop's  Neck,  New  London,  234. 
Witchcraft,  Rev.  J.  Hale  on,  6. 
Wolcott,  Dr.,  in  camp,  241,  257. 
Wolcott,  Naomi,  East  Windsor,  58n. 

Wolcott,  Oliver,  college  customs,  23;  vote  for  as  Councillor,  234. 
Woodbridge,  J.  L.,  student,  193  ;  in  camp,  201,  226-228,  244. 
Woods',  inn,  256. 

Woods,  Enoch  S.,  sculptor  of  Hale  statue,  265. 
Woodstock,  Conn.,  school,  43. 

Woolsey,  Theodore  D.,  Prof.,  and  Hale  monument,  143. 
Wooster,  Gen.,  249. 
Wrentham,  Mass.,  71,  240. 

Wright,  Asher,  Kale's  waiter;  the  Asia  story,  150-llfl. 
Wyllys,  John  P.,  32;  on  Commencement  stage,  34-35;  in  the  army,  96-97; 

corresponds  with  Hale,  175. 

Yale  College,  in  1769-73;  Hale  material  at,  ix;  Hale  enters,  16;  Presi 
dent,  tutors,  students,  19;  college  buildings,  20;  compared  with  the 
modern  university,  21;  standing  rules,  oifenses  and  fines,  22;  customs 
and  costumes,  treatment  of  the  Freshmen,  23  ;  student  life,  attitude 
on  the  home  revenue  measures,  24;  Hale  and  father's  advice,  25; 
expenses  at,  homespun  worn,  25-27;  studies  and  curriculum,  27;  the 
Berkeley  scholarship,  28;  Latin  pronunciation  and  English  literature 
at,  27-30;  literary  societies,  "Linonia"  and  "Brothers  in  Unity,"  31- 
32,  193;  diversions,  plays  and  dramas,  32-33;  quarter  days,  33; 
commencement  exercises  of  Hale's  class,  34-35;  student  friendships, 
35-36;  military  company  at,  69-70;  Yale  Literary  Magazine  on  Hale, 
143;  College  remembrance  of  Hale,  Linonia  centennial,  143-146; 
Hale  statue  at,  146,  267. 


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